Following a posessive apostrophe with an SApostrophe then s, says Andrew Hyman; according to David Lat, Justice Souter agrees ("Kansas's"), but Justice Thomas does not ("Kansas'"). Scalia, uncharacteristically, adopts a skeptical scrutiny balancing test ("it would seem that he believes the extra 's' should be omitted if the existing 's' is preceded by a hard consonant sound"), but I stick with the bright line rule on this: I'm with Justice Thomas on this one. Appending the final "s" has seemed redundant to me, literally as far back as I can recall (which is to say, pre-high school. I don't know if that means I wasn't paying attention in grammar class, or if I was paying attention but refused to learn a stupid rule (I was a wilful child, so either is likely) but I will continue to describe Roberts' opinion as it relates to Kansas' ban on such-and-such.
Plus, it never hurts to have the Chief Justice on your side: see FAIR v. Rumsfeld, 547 U.S. _ (2006), slip op. at 11 n.4, 14 ("The military recruiters’ speech is clearly Government speech"; "accommodating the military’s message does not affect the law schools’ speech"); Cuno v. DaimlerChrysler Corp., 547 U.S. _ (2006), slip op. at 4, 13 ("We have an obligation to assure ourselves of litigants’ standing under Article III"; "no issue regarding plaintiffs’ standing to bring it has been raised") (internal quotation marks omitted); Rapanos v. United States, 547 U.S. _ (Roberts, concurring), slip op. at 2 ("It is unfortunate that no opinion commands a majority ofthe Court on precisely how to read Congress’ limits on the reach of the Clean Water Act"); Sanchez-Llamas v. Oregon, 548 U.S. _ (2006), slip op. at 10, 15 ("Unless required to do so by the Convention itself,they argue, we cannot direct Oregon courts to exclude Sanchez-Llamas’ statements from his criminal trial"; "neither the Vienna Convention itself nor our precedents applying the exclusionary rule support suppression of Sanchez-Llamas’ statements to police").
Aborted terror plot in GermanyWell hang on there! Hang on one second! This must be a hoax! Because as we all know, Al Queda and other similar organs of Islamic terror hate us and seek to bomb us because of our occupation of Iraq, our military presence in Saudi Arabia, our support for Israel and so on, but the Germans don't do any of that. So why would they be a target? After all, when they attack American targets, that makes sense; and when they attacked Spain, that made sense, because the Spanish had troops in Iraq at that time, and a fortiori British targets last year and the foiled attempt this year. But Germany?
Gosh, I guess there just must be some other explanation for why they pick their targets! V for VendettaMy wife and I both like the Matrix movies, so we figured we'd give this V for Vendetta movie that the Wachowsky Brothers produced a go; it's alright, so far as it goes, but it's pretty transparent in its aims. The guy (no pun intended) who wrote the original graphic novel seems to have nothing but contempt for the movie, and I think Wikipedia's recounting of his reaction is pretty close to how I felt watching it:
[Alan] Moore remarked that his comic had been "turned into a Bush-era parable by people too timid to set a political satire in their own country.... [This film] is a thwarted and frustrated and largely impotent American liberal fantasy of someone with American liberal values standing up against a state run by neoconservatives — which is not what [the comic] 'V for Vendetta' was about. It was about fascism, it was about anarchy, it was about [England]." He later adds that if the Wachowskis had wanted to protest what was going on in America, then they should have used a political narrative that spoke directly at America's issues, similar to what Moore had done before with Britain. "[P]eople too timid to set a political satire in their own country" - marvellous! I think that's pretty much right (although one hastens to point out that Moore clearly uses the term "neoconservative" in either its pejorative sense or as liberals view them, rather than its more specific meaning); there is a pervasive tone throughout the film that this is not the sort of dystopian future of a Blade Runner or a Logan's Run, but rather, a paranoid vision of where certain hollywood liberals think America is going. And to this peculiar vision, they conjoin cowardice: "people too timid to set a political satire in their own country." Presumably, having a movie wherein the hero is a terrorist who blows up the Capitol Dome and the White House was considered just a touch too risque by Joel Silver et al - far better to transplant it across the pond to a safe distance.
The sine qua non of this kind of film is pursuading the audience to suspend disbelief, to buy into the context, and enjoy what is presented within that framework. Here, what is presented is satisfying enough on its own terms, but the film's clunky, leaden and utterly transparently quality of being a "frustrated and largely impotent American liberal fantasy of someone with American liberal values standing up against a state run by neoconservatives" renders the suspension of disbelief impossible. Disappointing stuff.
Out westI've been meaning to post this for a few days, but Ann Althouse is back from her road trip out west, and has some stunning photos of the badlands. Great photography, but credit has to go to the artist.
The court is hungryThe Court has searched in vain in the Arizona Rules of Civil Procedure and cases, as well as the leading treatises on federal and Arizona procedure, to find specific support for Plaintiff’s motion. Finding none, the Court concludes that motions of this type are so clearly within the inherent powers of the Court and have been so routinely granted that they are non-controversial and require no precedential support. What's the court ordering? Lunch.
Hat tip: Volokh.Indianapolis libraryInteresting story in the IndyStar about the problems building a new extension to their main premises. Lovely architecture, nice integration of new into old, but it's a horror story getting it build. Better late than never: Fourth of July comments[Editorial note: I had hoped to have a chance to get this written yesterday, but time did not permit. In any event: better late than never.]
Immigration is a hot topic at the moment, and so it behooves this (legal) immigrant to add but a few words about the Fourth of July.
In some ways, I think that for a time, it puzzles those who are not brought up with the celebration inculcated from a young age why the Fourth of July should have been chosen as the great national celebration. In one sense, the Declaration of Independence did not really achieve anything; it declared independence, but it did not establish it in fact. Not being self-executing, its the proximate effect was simply to convert a confrontation with Britain into an outright war with the superpower of the day. In some ways, it might make more sense for us to celebrate October 19th, 1781, when victory at Yorktown changed American independence from a slogan into an operative reality. Of perhaps November 25th, 1783, when the last British soldiers finally left the newly independent states, in glum defeat. Perhaps even September 17th, 1787, or March 4, 1789, would be appropriate dates to celebrate: respectively, the dates the Constitution was completed and came into operation. We have a plethora of dates we could choose to celebrate as the national day, including the above, any of which have some strong claim to preeminence, yet the Fourth of July - the anniversary of the Declaration of Independence - prevails.
I think that is rightly so, because in another sense, the Declaration of Independence is monumentally important. True, it did not itself make the independence it proclaimed a fact, nor itself form a system of government that has protected its ideals for two centuries in a manner unparalleled in the world. But that document succinctly enunciated the principles which have framed and animated every successive American endeavour, from the battlefield of Yorktown, to a sweltering summer in Philadelphia, and eventually - four score and nine years later - to a man in a gray uniform surrendering in a small Virginian courthouse near the town of Appomattox, thereby definitively answering Lincoln's question as to whether a nation conceived in and dedicated to the ideals of the Declaration of Independence could long endure. It is, in a very real sense, the first, last and only Mission Statement of enduring value ever to be written.
It also matters particularly to me, as an immigrant, because it declares that this new nation is also a new kind of nation: it is a nation that is premised in shared fealty to the values of the Declaration of Independence, rather than ancient blood lineage; it declares that one may become an American, in a way that was unprecedented then, and is still unmatched today. A part of the import of the Declaration of Independence for me, personally, is precisely that I can honestly use that term that I have used throughout my comments here: "we" Americans.
I believe it matters to know what we are fighting for, particularly now, because we are again engaged in another struggle with an enemy who does not share the basic beliefs of the Declaration. It is striking that over two centuries later, we can still point to that stirring prose and say "this is what we are fighting for." Superman might have put it yet more succinctly ("peace, justice, and the American way"), but Jefferson spelled out what the American way is; it is the way of freedom, and that call still reverberates today. Check the temperature in hellGood grief: Biden said something intelligent: "There are certain Democrats who think that this [Iraq] is over, that we've lost or that there's nothing constructive the president is going to do," said Senator Joseph R. Biden Jr. of Delaware, who, like Mr. Kerry, is considering running for president and who sat in on the meetings where Democrats searched for consensus. "What it really is, in fairness to them, is a frustration that they see no learning curve on the part of this administration. I can understand that frustration. But setting a date is not a plan." (He's criticizing John Kerry, in case it isn't sufficiently clear). Couldn't have said it better myself. Still - I wonder if we should be checking Neil Kinnock's speeches from around the time of the Falklands War, just in case.A suggestion on how to deal with companies who employ illegal aliens.As I suggested here, in my view, "[i]f you vigorously enforce the laws against employers, you cut off the source of income for illegals. They therefore have little motivation to stay. Now suppose that, in addition, you fix the problems with the immigration process, and make it possible for them to come back, as legal immigrants, permanent or otherwise: now they not only have little motivation to stay, they have active motivation to go home."
As a general matter, "it is unlawful for a person or other entity to hire . . . for employment in the United States an alien knowing the alien is an unauthorized alien . . . without complying with the [verification] requirements [of this section]." 8 U.S.C. §1324a(a)(1). A person or company can be fined a civil penalty of "not less than $250 and not more than $2,000 for each unauthorized alien" (the fine bracketts ratchet up for repeat offenders, the maximum being $3000-$10,000 per alien for "a person or entity previously subject to more than one [previous infraction]"). §1324a(e)(4)(A).
Under present law, private citizens can "rat out" companies violating this provision to the Justice Department, the Attorney General being required to establish a procedure "for individuals and entities to file written, signed complaints respecting potential violations." §1324a(e)(1)(A), but ultimately, though, it is the decision of the government to prosecute or not prosecute. Now, one of the major complaints that I see almost everywhere in this debate is some variation on the following rubric: "we don't need new laws, we just need to enforce the ones that we have." I don't have any hard evidence to say one way or another if it's true, although given the sheer numbers of illegals estimated to be present, it strains credibility to suggest that all that can be done is being done. But in any event, there is undoubtedly a perception that - for whatever reasons - the government is lax in enforcing these rules, a perception that contributes to the general tenor of the debate (and the lack of trust that Peggy Noonan talks about in her excellent WSJ article yesterday). I think I have a solution.
Down in Texas, Gov. Perry has an interesting idea (hat tip: Jason Mazzone at Concurring Opinions). Perry wants to stick "hundreds of night-vision cameras on private land along the Mexican border and put the live video on the Internet, so that anyone with a computer who spots illegal immigrants trying to slip across can report it on a toll-free hot line." Quoth Perry, ""[b]y leveraging advanced video technology and the power of the World Wide Web, and with an increased financial commitment from the state of Texas, we can make our border stronger and our nation safer." It all sounds more like CBS' Big Brother than Orwell's (although I'd suggest that a closer analog is SETI at Home); in an admirable display of the virtues of federalism, Perry is quoted as saying that "[e]nforcing the border is the federal government’s responsibility . . . But the fact of the matter is Texas will not sit around and wait." It's not perfect ("[w]hat we [really] need is more boots on the ground"), and it carries risks, but in the main, I think it's innovative and clever, not least because it gives an enforcement tool to the groups most interested in enforcement.
Which brings us back to my idea about employment violations,which is in a similar vein of putting the power into the hands of the people who are most enthusiastic about enfoorcing the law. My idea is this: create a private cause of action to allow ordinary citizens to punish violations of §1324a(a).
In other words, append to §1324a a new subsection that reads something like this: (a) Cause of Action.-- any person aggrieved by the employment by a company of an alien, in violation of this section, may, in a civil action, recover from the person or entity which engaged in that violation, including the United States, such relief as may be appropriate.
(b) Relief.--In a civil action under this section, appropriate
relief includes--
(1) such preliminary and other equitable or declaratory relief as may be appropriate;
(2) damages under subsection (c); and
(3) a reasonable attorney's fee and other litigation costs reasonably incurred.
(c) Damages.--
(1) The court may assess as damages in a civil action under this section the actual damages suffered by the plaintiff, and any profits made by the violator as a result of the violation.
(2) The court may assess punitive damages commensurate to the scale and duration of the violation, as deemed appropriate.
(3) In the case of a successful action to enforce liability under this section, the court may assess the costs of the action, together with reasonable attorney fees determined by the court.
(4) In no event will a company convicted in a civil action under this section be charged less than as provided in civil penalties under §1324a(e)(4)(A).
If the threat of being sued by thousands of aggreived persons doesn't scare companies out of employing illegals, I don't know what the heck would.
Way off topicfor some reason, I love this:
http://atlasshrugs2000.typepad.com/atlas_shrugs/2006/05/iraq_loving_thi.html
There's something very neat in the idea that thousands of miles from home, our folks in Iraq are still finding ways to take home with them.
Hat tip: Lorie Byrd. Ninth circus strikes againOur caped - or rather, robed - crusaders are at it again, reports Volokh; the Ninth Circuit concluding in Harper v. Poway Unified Sch. Dist. that the First Amendment does not apply to speech of which Judge Reinhardt disapproves.
Unlike many with my views on law and politics, I have not always assumed that the Ninth Circuit always gets it wrong, even when - as in this case - it comes accompanied with a cracking dissent from Kozinski. Indeed, I defended another Reinhardt effort, Fields v. Palmdale School District, back in November (see The other side of the knife, 11/4/05), and three months ago, concluded that another Reinhardt-penned opinion, in Planned Parenthood v. Gonzales, got to the right result, albeit by the wrong reasoning (see Ninth Circuit strikes down Federal Partial Birth Abortion Ban, 1/31/06). None-the-less, in order to make exceptions, there must first be rules, and this case fits squarely into the latter.
I have comments explaining my view on this matter interspersed throughout this thread at Althouse. In short, the problem isn't that the school banned this guy from wearing a t-shirt that took a side in a political debate, it was that they banned one side of that debate from expressing their viewpoint, while permitting the other side to express theirs. This is not only precisely what the Supreme Court has said a government entity cannot do (see RAV v. St. Paul, 505 U.S. 377) (1992) ("[an entity bound by the first amendment] has no such authority to license one side of a debate to fight freestyle, while requiring the other to follow Marquis of Queensbury Rules"), it is the very definition of viewpoint discrimination. Light bloggingBlogging is probably going to be light in the next few weeks, depending to some extent on prevailing weather in Indiana; we have much work to do in the garden, and I have a couple of off-blog writing projects to finish up. As before, matters arising will recieve full attention. ;) Where tax money goesA fascinating graphic depicting discretionary spending in the 2004 budget. Hat tip: Dan Solove. The most incredible thing I've read all yearFrom Roger Waters Online: Roger Waters has told Italian journalists he may well play again with Pink Floyd . . . "Playing again together at Live 8, doing the old songs, was very moving. For over 20 years David and I maintained extreme positions but now I realise that my behavior was very childish. As in all things one has to find common ground, meet halfway. That's why I can say today that you never know, it could happen." :o
And again:
:o
To nail my colors to the mast: Pink Floyd needs Roger Waters a little more than Waters needs Pink Floyd, as a brief comparison of Amused to Death and The Division Bell effortlessly demonstrates (I should rephrase: The Division Bell is pretty good, but Amused to Death is one of the best albums of the 1990s). But there has always been something lacking from Roger's solo albums, and I don't just mean David Gilmour; there is a feel that Nick Mason and Richard Wright bring to albums, and you can easily hear as much listening to the Wright-less The Final Cut. I haven't yet yeard Gilmour's new solo album; I imagine it will be much like his last solo effort, A Momentary Lapse of Reason (I don't care what anyone says, that's a good album, but it ain't a Floyd album), which is to say, a patchy mix of inspiration of just okay. Likewise, I greatly look forward to Roger's new album later this year or early next, and I don't want for an instant to denigrate the talents of anyone in Roger's current band (Graham Broad, Jon Carin, Andy Wallace and Andy Fairweather-Lowe are great, and I love Katie Kissoon's singing), but the prospect of the four of the Floyd doing some work together is tantalizing stuff.Intellectual isolationHere is "The Swanky Conservative" with a post adding notes to this post by Austin Bay, about intellectual isolation in the arabic world. Great stuff. End of the Tomcat EraNavy Newstand reports that: The “Tomcatters” of Strike Fighter Squadron (VF) 31 and the “Black Lions” of VF-213 arrived at Naval Air Station Oceana March 10, ending their six-month deployment with Carrier Air Wing (CVW) 8 embarked on the aircraft carrier USS Theodore Roosevelt (CVN 71), and closing the book on the Tomcat as an asset in the Navy’s war fighting arsenal . . . VF-31 and 213’s “fly-off” marked the last operational flight of the F-14D Tomcat and the begining of the squadrons’ transition to the F/A-18 E/F Super Hornet. I think the best epitaph is provided by Lt. Chris Rattigan: "[the F-14] is one of the greatest fighter planes in history . . . When you think of naval aviation, you think of the Tomcat." That's exactly right. I have no doubt that the F/A-18 is more capable and cheaper to maintain (I have the luxury of commenting from the cosy distance of not actually having to fly either of them), but it seems unlikely to capture that iconic status as emblems of raw US military power that the F-14 and the Nimitz-class carriers attained. Like Rattigan said - you think of naval aviation, you envision Tomcat.
Anti-islamic feeling on the riseThe WaPo reports: [A] poll found that nearly half of Americans -- 46 percent -- have a negative view of Islam, seven percentage points higher than in the tense months after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, when Muslims were often targeted for violence. At the risk of turning into DailyKos - well, duh! I think most people were and are smart enough to separate islam from Al Queda, just as most people are smart enough not to see Fred Phelps as being representative of Christianity. People understood that islam was not responsible for 9/11, and they very properly conflated it with terrorists, not muslims. But in the last couple of months, a very large number of muslims have taken to the streets to demonstrate how closed-minded, intolerant and frankly gullible they are, in light of some frankly not-that-offensive cartoons in a minor newspaper in a small European country; is it really that much of a shock that this has negatively affected people's opinion?
Now, one of the first calls I made on September 11th was to an acquaintance from Lebanon, because my immediate thought was "oh crap, this is going to get pinned on muslims and islam." For the most part, it turned out that I was wrong: most people exercised good sense, and realized that the vast majority, practically the entirety, of muslims joined with everyone else in saying "this was a monstrous act by a few nut jobs." And likewise, I think people are smart enough to see the insurgency for what it is, a bunch of power-hungry proto-fascists who aren't so much attempting to create an islamic republic as they are trying to put themselves at the head of it. But "cartoongate" is an entirely different matter: it is an apparently sizable and popular series of protests against a core American liberty, free speech. We are seeing a large number of muslims basically protesting against the very freedom they are exercising by protesting. Frankly, I would be lying if I said my impression of them as a group hadn't suffered, if for no reason better than the seeming incapacity of these folks to see what dupes their leaders are playing them for. As Judge Kozinski once put it, the parties are advised to chill.
On being quoted by Ted OlsonI am not ashamed to admit to being absolutely stunned and thrilled to read The Art of Abortion Politics, Christianity Today, 02/20/2006, in which yours truly is quoted by no less than former SG and (at the risk of turning into A3G) FedSoc megastar Ted Olson: [In Ayotte, ] [t]he Court attempted to limit the scope of its ruling; the first sentence announces it is not a decision to "revisit our abortion precedents." But as law blogger Simon Dodd suggested on Volokh.com, the 10-page decision could "rather substantially change the environment in which states may enact regulations of abortion, from one in which such actions are mere lip service which will never be enforced, to one in which a state may make and apply reasonable regulations on abortion, even while court proceedings are ongoing." Undermining without overruling. The quote is actually taken from a comment I made at Volokh, but none-the-less, I am humbled, honored, and more than a little surprised.
Justice slumbersJustice Ginsburg fell asleep during oral argument for the Texas redistricting cases yesterday, reports Expressio Unius; wags might suggest that it hardly matters since it seems unlikely that Ginsburg's vote is unpredictable, but as the author points out, "[w]hile I don't think she should be impeached for the offense, I think it should be taken very seriously . . . [a]nd it would be, I think, if it were someone like Scalia, who the media likes to hound." Foul!, cried a commenter: "Justice Thomas has asked about three questions in ten years. Why not criticize him too?"
Well, perhaps the obvious reason is that there is a major (and obvious) difference between not asking questions, on the one hand, and falling asleep on the other hand; I think it's vaguely ludicrous to suggest parity between a person who participates by listening, and a person who is absent, either in body or mind. Since the opportunity presents itself, though, it's worth reminding ourselves what Brother Clarence has to say about why he keeps quiet: Why don't I ask questions [at oral argument]? Do you think there aren't enough questions already asked? [laughter] I don't ask questions for entertainment, or to give people a hard time. I have some very active colleagues who like to ask questions; usually, if you wait long enough, someone will ask your question.
Another thing: I was on the other side of that podium before, in my earlier life. And it's hard to stand there, by yourself, and have judges who are going to rule on your case and ask you tough questions. I don't want to give them a hard time.
But anyway, I'm going to give you a more personal reason why, and this is actually the first time I've talked about this. When I was sixteen, I was sitting as the only black kid in my class, and I'd grown up speaking in kind of a dialect - it's called 'geechy', people praise it now, but they used to make fun of us back then. It's not standard English. When I transferred to a white school . . . I was self-conscious, like we all are at sixteen. And the problem was that I would correct myself mid sentence; I'd try to speak standard English, I'd think in standard English, but I'd speak in this dialect. so I learned, I started developing the habit of listening. And it just got to be [a habit] . . . I didn't ask questions in college or law school. I found I could learn better by just listening, and if I had a question, I could ask it later.
For all those reasons and a few others, it's more in my nature to listen rather than to ask a bunch of questions - and they get asked anyway. The only reason I could see for asking the questions is to let people see that I've got something to ask, and that's not a legitimate reason, in the Supreme Court of the United States (From a C-SPAN Q&A with Justice Thomas which can be found here).
Public knowledge of the First AmendmentAccording to a news report this morning, only one on a thousand people surveyed could name the rights guaranteed by the First Amendment. The co-host starting musing "gee, I don't know that I could name them all...Life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness, that's three of them."
Be very afraid.
Update: via How Appealing, the Chicago Tribune comments on this story: [The story] that Americans know more about "The Simpsons" than they do about the 1st Amendment . . . should surprise nobody" . . . [yet] at least twice in recent months we've seen how just one of the five 1st Amendment freedoms--freedom of the press--has allowed the American people to obtain information they need in order to perform their role as citizens, as overseers of their government and its activities Wycliff's point is presumably to underscore that the often pitiful knowledge of the public at large about basic constitutional questions is not just an academic point, but one vital and directly related to current events. I have some things to say about this story, but I don't have time to do so today, so either at the weekend, or sometime next week.More about the FPBAACross-posted at Centerfield.
One of the things that I find most baffling about the litigation surrounding the Federal Partial-birth Abortion Act (FPBAA), 117 Stat. 1201, is the strange unwillingness to kick a conservative when he's down. Last month, when the Ninth Circuit handed down Planned Parenthood v. Gonzales, I complained that the point had been missed: In reaffirming the Circuit Court's verdict, the panel entirely fails to even consider the question on which any action against FPBAA should turn: did Congress have the authority to enact this statute in the first place? Answer that question in the negative, and the entirety of the litigation thusfar is nullified; it becomes irrelevant whether the act places an undue burden, it becomes irrelevant whether the statute's terms are "unconstitutionally vague," and it becomes irrelevant whether it includes a health exception. The Ninth Circuit was not alone in reaching these conclusions; on the same day that the Ninth Circuit handed down Planned Parenthood v. Gonzales, the Second Circuit weighed in (National Abortion Federation v. Gonzales), and shortly thereafter, the Eighth Circuit (Carhart v. Gonzales) got in on the game, too. On Tuesday, the Supreme Court granted cert in Carhart.
Yet one reads searches these three Courts of Appeals opinions in vain for the "F" word: federalism. It wasn't brought before the Courts in the challenges, and it wasn't raised sua sponte, even by the Ninth Circuit (I have previously observed that it is sometimes hard to determine whether the Ninth Circuit is "an appellate court or a comedy routine, a histrionic reductio ad absurdum of liberal jurisprudence"). Something strikes me as being odd in all this; come on, liberals - kick us conservatives where it hurts! The FPBAA is a free shot! We evil FedSoc types keep going on about the limits of the commerce clause power, about states rights, about federalism; well, here's your chance to ask us to prove it! Why not litigate on the premise that this law is ultra vires (which, after all, it is)? Why give Mean 'ol Nino an easy getout, a way to uphold the law by merely ruling on the specific challenge before him? Surely, this isn't just because liberals are afraid of what it would mean to get on the federalism boat. As Jonah Goldberg pointed out yesterday, liberals have (arguably) suddenly become fairweather friends of originalism now that it suits their purpose (over the NSA program, and, of course, in general where the second amendment is concerned), and once this moment passes and it ceases to be in their interest to have a frozen Constitution, they will once again demand its defrosting. If liberals are willing to jump off the boat and swim for shore in other areas, why would federalism be any different? Or am I just missing the point - regular readers will know that I'm reluctant to discuss whether a law is a good idea on a normative level until we've established whether or not its Constitutional in the first place, but liberals are not exactly known for their respect of the structural (as opposed to rights-bearing) sections of the Constitution, so perhaps they simply regard it as normal to approach this (as it appears to me) backwards?
So that's my first question for discussion today.
The second question is related, but a little more esoteric, a little more theoretical. At SCOTUSblog, I averred that the Fourteenth Amendment doesn't give Congress a free pass to regulate abortion:On another blog a couple of days ago, someone (obviously pro-life) pointed out that the Constitution doesn't mention abortion or unborn children, but on the other hand, nor does it mention African Americans, Gypsies, Jews or Hispanics, and no-one would argue that they aren't protected. I sympathize, but the argument is just flat-out dumb. The Constitution may not mention any of those groups, but nor does it mention caucasians. The term used is "persons," and that term is expansive enough to cover anyone considered a person at the time of ratification, so In order to say that the unborn are protected by the Fourteenth Amendment, you must either a) demonstrate that the unborn were considered persons in 1868, or b) abandon originalism in favor of something else. In rebuttal, another commenter, Ben Kennedy, wrote:I believe that it is not difficult to contruct the case that the term "person" used around 1868 could include the unborn. Blackstone writes,"The right of personal security consists in a person’s legal and uninterrupted enjoyment of life, his limbs, his body, his health, and his reputation. Life is the immediate gift of God, a right inherent by nature in every individual; and it begins in contemplation of the law as soon as an infant is able to stir in the mother’s womb ... An infant in ventre as mere, or in the mother’s womb, is supposed in law to be born for many purposes. It is capable of having a legacy, or a surrender of copyhold estate, made to it. It may have a guardian assigned to it; and it is enabled to have an estate limited to its use, and to take afterwards by such limitation, as if it were then actually born. And in this point the civil law agrees with ours." What Blackstone didn't know was that a fetus "stirs" 22 days after conception when the heart starts beating. Wow! How convenient would that be! I'm not sure how to feel about that. Aren't I in favor of a static constitution? Isn't this an evolutionary content argument? And don't I think all that "evolving standards of decency" mush is pretty risible stuff? Aren't I stuck with reject this?
But hang on a moment - is this an evolving content argument? Is this really the "evolving standards of decency"?
If I might rephrase Ben's point: if fœtal personhood was understood to occur at the time of quickening in 1868, and since that time, science has demonstrated that quickening in fact takes place earlier during pregnancy, does that change the balance of probabilities that the original meaning of persons extended to the unborn? I don't know the answer to that, but it's certainly an interesting point. I have to say that I remain sceptical, though, since this theory of quickening as the start of personhood goes back at least as far as Blackstone, yet laws criminalizing abortion in England and the United States did not begin to appear until decades after Blackstone, in the early 19th Century.
But in any instance, and this is my second question for discussion in this post: It's an intriguing point, though. Arguendo, if the original understanding of the Fourteenth Amendment could clearly be shown to be accepting of fœtal personhood at, say, six months, on the premise that this is when "quickening" takes place, and that this confers Congress power to regulate abortion after this time, but in the years since 1868, we have determined that quickening actually takes place earlier (this is totally wrong, but let's say it takes place at one month), does that mean that the original understanding permits Congress to regulate abortion after six months (the original understanding of the timeframe), or after one month (the original understanding of the event)? That isn't, after all, an evolving concept of decency, but the expansion of scientific knowledge; it is a factual, not subjective, inquiry. I've argued before that, even absent evolving content, the Eighth Amendment does prohibit certain punishments, even if they did not exist at the time of ratification (that is, even if it is not a "living constitution" in the sense that it grows and morphs, it is alive in the sense that it continues to apply to new and unforeseen circumstances; Roe may be invalid, but Kyllo is not, and don't even get me started on Trop); hence, I don't know what to think about this point.
So has Ben proved me wrong? Has he made a successful (albeit rather novel) originalist case for Congressional regulation of abortion? Or is this just a little too much like that marvellously seductive "evolving content" stuff that I disparage at every opportunity.
Mr. FBPAA goes to WashingtonLast month, I averred that the Ninth Circuit got it right - albeit for the wrong reasons - in striking down the Federal Partial-Birth Abortion Act (FPBAA), 117 Stat. 1201.
The Ninth Circuit was not alone in reaching its conclusions; on the same day that the Ninth Circuit handed down Planned Parenthood v. Gonzales, the Second Circuit weighed in (National Abortion Federation v. Gonzales), and shortly thereafter, the Eighth Circuit (Carhart v. Gonzales) got in on the game, too. Today, the Supreme Court granted cert in the latter case, Carhart, as its vehicle for looking into the case.
To avoid confusion, for our purposes today, and probably hereafter, we should be clear: if I refer to Stenberg, I mean Stenberg v. Carhart, and if I refer to Carhart, I mean Carhart v. Gonzales. However, the casual reader will not often have cause to wonder, because I will rarely be mentioning the former in connection to the latter. As I explained previously, I just don't see that Stenberg is relevant to Carhart, because - regardless of the issues actually briefed - I see this as a Federalism case. It doesn't especially matter if the FPBAA includes the Casey exceptions that doomed the Nebraska statute at issue in Stenberg, because in my view, the entirety of the FPBAA is ultra vires. Yet one searches NAF v. Gonzales and Carhart in vain for the "F" word: federalism.
This case, of course, will provide Our Hero an opportunity to demonstrate that he isn't just all talk. Scalia has been categorical on this matter: [I]f a state were to permit abortion on demand, I would and could in good conscience vote against an attempt to invalidate that law, for the same reason that I vote against invalidation of laws that contradict Roe v. Wade; namely, simply because the Constitution gives the federal government and, hence, me no power over the matter. I agree - and now we will find out if Justice Scalia has changed his mind. The situation is more complicated, of course, by the fact that these cases do not discuss the flaws of Constitutional authority - which may yet provide Our Men on Mount Olympus with an easy get out clause: "we don't have to consider the Constitutionality of the statute in terms of positive grant of enacting authority, because that issue hasn't been briefed or argued, and we shouldn't invalidate an act of Congress - a serious undertaking - on a matter raised sua sponte." To be sure, there is some merit to that proposition -- indeed, just this term, arguably Ayotte v. Planned Parenthood and Gonzales v. Oregon represent Scalia essentially adopting the framework of the question presented instead of reaching what I would think to be the main concerns -- but personally, I think it would be a cop-out. This case begs for actual resolution.
Comments at Volokh, and a general updateThere is some discussion going on in the comments section at Volokh that's pretty interesting, talking about abortion, due process, the ninth amendment...The usual sort of thing. I really, really need to get back to doing that Ninth Amendment essay sometime soon... ;)
I was starting to get a bit of burnout at the start of the month, so I kind of decided to take February as a timeout (that is, at least, not trying to do as much as I'd been doing). I've reduced my reading and blogging a lot, kind of left Ninoville on the shelf for a while, been playing with the cats (kitten update II, coming soon) and having some creative fun with recording some music in the last couple of weeks, and I feel a bit better. I'm going to be trying to get back to more serious endeavours after my birthday, which is on Sunday. :) Design vs. artOne of the many things on which I'm excessively opinionated is web design, and one of my pet peeves is the gradual subordination of functional design to the artistic whims of the people who think web design is their personal artistic outlet. Joel Spolsky has a great article out in draft today, which includes this line: If you have been thinking that there is anything whatsoever in design that requires artistic skill, well, banish the thought . . . Art can enhance design but the design itself is strictly an engineering problem. I think that sums up the acse perfectly. Web design is, first and foremost, industrial design, not graphic art. Sites which are efficiently and cleanly designed (see, e.g., HP; IBM; CNN; the House Appropriations Committee; the newly-refreshed U.S. Senate site) are sites that get you to where you're going in the shortest time and by the shortest route. This is not to say that they can't be pretty, but it is to say that if you start with the premise that it should look "artistic," it's probably going to suck. If it's graphics-heavy, if it's hard to navigate, if it relies on flash, if it assumes that the visitor has certain plugins or fonts or screen resolution, it may very well suck. I'm not big on naming and shaming, but Toto99 exemplifies what's wrong with modern web design: it looks great, but it sucks to navigate. The web is a tool to communicate information - it's nice for a site to be artistic and atractive; it's even permissable to be avant-garde. But what the design can't do is to detract from the basic purpose of a website, which is to communicate information, and in my view, there are too many sites which basically seem to be an indulgence of a graphic artist.
Speaking of design, I'm going to add four books to my wishlist. Two volumes of photos by Fred Maroon, one about the Supreme Court building, and one of the Capitol. Two more books about the capitol round out the list; one by the former architect of the capitol, the other by Henry Hope Reed. The latter includes a wonderful review on Amazon:[The book is an] unabashed defense of classical architecture and passionate call for a return to the style in our great buildings. One has merely to open this book to thank his lucky stars that most of monumental Washington, DC was built before the Marxist-inspired so-called "International Style" and its degenerate stylistic descendants inexplicably washed away centuries (nay, millenia) of Western art tradition. It's appalling to read the sort of vindictives that were hurled against the last exponents of the classical style, men like Bacon, Reed, and Gilbert by so-called "modernists" when they designed stunning masterpieces like the Lincoln and Jefferson Memorials, and the Supreme Court Building. And it's galling to see what "modernists" offered the nation as an alternative to classical design: can anyone look at the Museum of American History on the National Mall and not shake his head in sadness? The place looks like an annex to a New Jersey shopping mall. I remain unabashedly in the camp that says modern architecture is in a pretty horrendous state, and you can't help but grin at the line about a shopping mall; MIT student Mihai Pătraşcu has a collection of photos of D.C., including one of the duly-maligned Museum of American History (lo and behold, it does bear a passing resemblance to every European government building, and likely several dozen shopping malls, constructed in the latter half of the 20th Century). It's striking to look at the collection, because you can so clearly look at the contrasting styles of, say, the treasury building (built between 1836 and 1869) and the FBI headquarters (constructed from 1967 through 1972), the former being a beautiful piece of architecture, the latter bearing a passing resemblance to the Kremlin Palace of Congresses, except much, much uglier). Or, compare the beautiful Longworth Building to the frankly embarassing Hart Bulding. Marxist-inspired or not, the insipid stylings of more recent architecture - still less the more avant-garde nonsense - contrast poorly to what has gone before.The sheer nerve of itThis blog doesn't use categories, but if it did, the story of how the peer-to-peer software "Bit Torrent" is suing for trademark infringement would be filed under "are you f*****g kidding me?"
El Reg's introductory paragraph pretty much sums it up: "BitTorrent - which usually finds itself reading lawyers' letters rather than writing them - is going to start taking legal action rather than just being its subject."
This reminds me of one of my favorite cases that I ran across while indexing Scalia opinions for Ninoville: United States v. Munoz-Flores, 495 U.S. 385 (1990). This was a case where a guy was found guilty of Federal misdemeanors and fined under a law (Victims of Crime Act 1984) requiring persons found guilty of such misdemeanors to make a contribution to the Crime Victims Fund; he took the case to the Supreme Court that his sentence was unconstitutional. Why? Because, he argued, the bill had the effect of raising revenue, and failed to originate in the House of Representatives, where - per U.S. Const., Art. I §7 - revenue bills must originate. The cajones on the advocate who had the nerve to present this argument to the Court boggle the mind (ironically enough, I think the advocate in question was Judy Clarke, who went on to represent Susan Smith and the Unabomber - extra points for having cajones above and beyond one's biological complement thereof).
Dissent in the Wild IIII've been feeling in a Pandagon mood recently (I do try to read liberal blogs as often as possible, although as the tone has grown more and more shrill, it's become more and more difficult to do so). In any instance, I have a handul of comments on core values starting here, and some thoughts about judicial activism here. I also have some Ninth Amendment thoughts in this thread at Althouse, and related to my comments about the death penalty and the Allen case earlier this week, I float a thought I've had for a while about the Eighth Amendment and specific modes of execution here; I hope to address both the Eighth Amendment question and the Ninth Amendment question in more detail on home shores soon. Norquist, Weyrich and others call for NSA investigationU.S. Newswire is reporting that several prominent conservative voices - including Grover Norquist, Paul Weyrich, David Keene and Bob Barr - have today: called upon Congress to hold open, substantive oversight hearings examining the President's authorization of the National Security Agency (NSA) to violate domestic surveillance requirements outlined in the Federal Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA)." The group, "Patriots to Restore Checks and Balances," have a website: http://www.checksbalances.org.
Hat tip: Pandagon.
For my part, I'm not entirely convinced that Bush's actions were either unconstitutional or illegal; I would join Orin Kerr's careful and reasonable analysis from December, Legal Analysis of the NSA Domestic Surveillance Program, 12/19/05.
However, I believe very strongly in the authority (and responsibility) of the Congress to check the power of the Presidency, whomever the President might be at a given moment and whichever party might control Congress at that moment. If Congress - let's be more specific, if the House of Representatives in particular - has genuine and substantial reason to believe that the President may have broken the law, it has not only the power but a duty to investiate that concern, even if only for the sake of determining that no breach occurred.
What I don't want, though -- and the certainty that this will ensue, I think, is a major reason why more Republicans have been unwilling to call for an investigation -- is a circus; I don't want Sen. Reid making self-indulgent press releases about how this is a victory for Democrats, and I don't want Rep. Pelosi issuing half-hearted base-baiting calls for impeachment. I think it's absolutely certain that the Democrats will seek to use an investigation to score political points; but on the other hand, I think that if there isn't an investigation, they will use that to score points. I think that creates an equal-cost choice as far as concerns for the behaviour of the other party are concerned, which frees us to reach conclusions free of (or at least, unencumbered by) those concerns.
Even though I am not yet convinced that a breach took place, I believe there is a strong tendancy in the present Administration towards arrogating to itself power rightfully posessed by the Congress, and I think there is serious and compelling evidence that a breach may have taken place, and therefore, I join with Paul, Grover, David Keene and Bob Bar in supporting an investigation by the House of Representatives.
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Post facto: The Dept. of Justice has released a 42 page memo detailing its take on the legal background for the surveillance. I've not had a chance to read all of it, but if one accepts Prof. Kerr's analysis that the FISA challenge is the only concern that can really be justified, what I suspect is the core of DoJ's rebuttal is on page 2: Although FISA generally requires judicial approval of electronic surveillance, FISA also contemplates that Congress may authorize such surveillance by a statute other than FISA . . . The AUMF, as construed by the Supreme Court in Hamdi and as confirmed by the history and tradition of armed conflict, is just such a statute. Accordingly, electronic surveillance conducted by the President pursuant to the AUMF, including the NSA activities, is fully consistent with FISA and falls within category I of Justice Jackson’s framework.
Where I'm at on the death penaltyWith the discussion of Allen this week, I feel like saying something about where I'm at on the death penalty.
Unlike my wife, who is very definitely opposed the death penalty, I go back and forth on what I consider to be a very difficult question. I am not convinced by the moral case against the death penalty, and I think the Constitutional case advanced by Justice Brennan et al is ludicrous. However, I do feel that I have arrived, relatively recently, at a new resting point, viz., that my concerns for the reliability of our system of justice are sufficient to make me stop short of supporting it at this time.
Because I have concerns about the miscarriage of justice -- that is to say, the execution of someone who is innocent, rather than the fundamental morality of killing guilty murderers and rapists* -- if the issue were actually placed before me in a way which demanded a choice (a ballot initiative, for example), at this time I would vote to suspend the death penalty for the foreseeable future, or whichever option most closely effectuated that position.
I retain the right to change my mind (and to continue to go back and forth), but that's where I'm at right now, and I wanted to make clear - in light of my objections to the desire to circumscribe the death penalty into practical abolition by the Constitutional route by Justices Stevens and Breyer - that I'm not cheerleading for my own view of penology. Like my objection to the nuclear option, it is not the question of what that I object to, but the question of who gets to make the call.
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Footnote:
* Although I am, after a fashion, speaking to the normative question, implicit in my acceptance of the death penalty as a valid punishment for rape, as much as for murder, is a rejection of Coker v. Georgia, 433 U.S. 584 (1977). The state of our union is, uh, delayedDemocrats have delayed the Judiciary Committee hearing vote on imminently-Justice Alito, the Post reports, not least prompted (as one candid staffer for the Minority Leader admits) by a desire to minimize the scope of the nomination triumph before the President's State of the Union address. In response, the Majority Leader has annouced that he has cancelled the Senate's recess next week to ensure that the nomination reaches the floor in January; all other business, he intimated, was on hold: "[w]e'll stay on the nomination until the judge is the justice."
Huzzah for the Majority Leader, but it got me wondering: if the Dems' game is to push the confirmation back behind the State of the Union, why doesn't the President simply declare that the State of the Union address will take place the week following Justice Alito's confirmation?
After all, neither the date nor the form of the State of the Union are required by the Constitution nor by statute; its timing ("[i]t has occurred in January except for 6 occasions in February since 1934," notes Wikipedia) and verbal nature (it was delivered as a letter rather than a speech, from the Jefferson Administration until the Wilson Administration) are the product of tradition. Traditionally, nominees as qualified as Judge Alito have been confirmed in a timely manner, so if the Democrats are happy to throw tradition to the wind, perhaps we should consider joining in the fun?
Allen, reduxDiscussing the Allen case yesterday, I suggested that "I doubt Mr. Allen will have much luck with the court, [but] it might be worth watching the orders list tommorow to see if the court actually takes the case, and if not, if anyone other than the two Justices we have already seen to be interested in this case dissent from the denial of cert."
Oops, it looks like we should have watched yesterday's orders list. The stay of execution requested in Allen v. Ornoski was denied by O'Connor (Circuit Justice, 9th Cir.), over a terse dissent from Breyer, noting that "I believe that in the circumstances [Allen] raises a significant question as to whether his execution would constitute "cruel and unusual punishment . . . I would grant the application for stay of execution." Breyer cites both Elledge and Lackey, but also another of his dissents from denial of cert, Knight v. Florida, 528 U.S. 990, 993 (1999).
Normally, I would have added the foregoing as a post facto insertion into yesterday's post, but the citation of Knight suggests that perhaps a further post is required, since I didn't talk about that yesterday. Knight, of course, jumps out at me because it's the case that Breyer and Our Hero sparred over a year ago during a colloquy at American University.
Here's how Breyer decribed it a year ago: I wrote a dissent that [Scalia] thought was totally wrong, and it was in from a denial of cert, and the question was this: Is it a cruel and unusual punishment to keep a person on death row for more than 20 years before executing him? Well, I said we should hear that case, and I wrote an opinion that suggested a dissent, that I thought this was quite likely, it could quite possibly, the answer to that question would be yes. But cruel and unusual punishment - now, where do I look? . . . I don't look to myself. I mean, can I jump out of my own skin? No. No human being can. But let's see what's around. And of course I wrote this thing -- not too convincing -- but I found opinions in the Privy Council in England . . . [and from] India, they've written a pretty good opinion. There was one in Canada. The U.N. had discussions on this. And they weren't all one way. And I cited things the other way too, anything I could find.
And then I think I may have made what I call a tactical error in citing a case from Zimbabwe - not the human rights capital of the world. [Laughter]. But it was at an earlier time [and] Judge Gubei [ph] was a very good judge. So I had written this. And of course I looked - I don't think that's controlling. But I'm thinking, Well, on this kind of an issue you're asking a human question, and the Americans are human, and so is everybody else. And I don't know, it doesn't determine it, but it's an effort to reach out beyond myself to see how other people have done, though it does not control.
Now, Justice Thomas then - disagreeing - wrote another little scrib, and he said, You see? Breyer is so desperate he can't find any American precedent -- [laughter] -- so he has to look to Zimbabwe. Now, again, there is a certain point in that. My views on the use of foreign law are oft-recited and fairly clear; see dicussion here and here; adequately summarized, I'm against.
So it looks as though the issue I first thought about yesterday in Allen - a maximum age for execution - is actually taking something of a backseat to the amount of time spent on death row, and Justice Breyer is fully aboard with that project. After a fashion, this is gloriously circular; in Edward Lazarus' book Closed Chambers, Lazarus describes the attempts of Justices Brennan and Marshall to abolish the death penalty by the same sort of fiat as Justice Blackmun abolished abortion laws, and the effects of that effort on the Court's conservatives, not the least of which was the effort to somewhat limit Federal habeas petititons. Obviously, Justice Breyer was at the time simply Judge Breyer, and I don't know where Breyer stands on the issue of repeated Habeas petititions, but the - I use the term advisedly - liberal stance tends to lean towards permitting these repeat petitions. If the liberals are also now pushing in the direction that one may only spend so much time on death row, then taken together, they are indeed angling to achieve exactly what I suggested yesterday: a de facto abolition of the death penalty, by permitting a prisoner to "run out the clock" - just keep filing petitions, keep finding new challenges, keep pushing, and sooner or later, you'll have been on death row too long to be executed.
How long is too long? One has to suppose that to be a question for the "evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of an aging Justice Kennedy," but one thing that remains certain is that the condemned are resourcefull in holding out. At issue in Knight was a prisoner who had been sentenced to death on April 21, 1975; he had managed to sustain repeated petitions and appeals at least up until Justice Breyer's dissent was published, on November 8, 1999, an elapsed time of over 24 years. It is frankly absurd to suggest any analogy to Medley, discussed yesterday, or for Justice Breyer to deadpan that "[i]t is difficult to deny the suffering inherent in a prolonged wait for execution," when the delay in execution is a consequence of the prisoner's own industry. The same prisoner cannot file repeated habeas petitions then turn around and expect to be taken seriously when claiming duress for the delay in his execution.
The Court has consistently "refused to charge police with delays in investigatory detention attributable to the suspect's evasive actions," United States v. Hernandez, 473 U.S. 531 (1985); it should (continue to) apply the same animating principle to the Eighth Amendment context. It seems to me that, even if one accepts (arguendo if necessary), as Justice Breyer does, that the meaning of "cruel and unusual punishment" is an evolving standard, and even if one accepts that under this evolving standard, the length of detention on death row can constitute a "cruel and unusual punishment," it seems to me that in assessing the length of time that the prisoner has served on death row, one should discount that time which the prisoner himself actively lobbied for, otherwise we would give a prisoner the power to change his own sentence by running out the clock. This, surely, cannot be acceptable. Allen - the next in the Atkins-Roper line?"Today's decision is the pinnacle of our Eighth Amendment death-is-different jurisprudence. Not only does it, like all of that jurisprudence, find no support in the text or history of the Eighth Amendment; it does not even have support in current social attitudes regarding the conditions that render an otherwise just death penalty inappropriate. Seldom has an opinion of this Court rested so obviously upon nothing but the personal views of its members." Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304, 337 (2002) (Scalia, dissenting).
When climbing a mountain, one is often duped by an optical illusion into thinking that the summit is just over the next ridge, since one cannot see any higher ground than the next ridge. Scalia's pronoucement of having reached the summit in Atkins was shown to be premature by Roper v. Simmons, and an interesting news story this morning suggests that we may yet have some way to climb.
Clarence Ray Allen, 75, is the oldest inmate of California's death row, having been there for 23 years "is set to die by injection Tuesday for ordering three slayings while behind bars for another murder." Allen's attorneys want the Supreme Court to halt the execution because of the age and infirmity of the condemned, something the Court has never done before.
While the Court has never done so before, the line of cases that includes Atkins and Roper suggest that there are at least some justices who might be interested in doing so. The case is potentially interesting, I think, because of how neatly it fits into the logical flow of the Court's attempt to inflict the death of a thousand cuts on the death penalty. While Atkins discussed a standard of proportionality, doesn't it seem reasonable ("reasonable," that is, within the paradigm that "[a] claim that punishment is excessive is judged . . . by those [standards] that currently prevail", 536 U.S. at 311) to develop the thought process that "[t]he Eighth Amendment succinctly prohibits excessive sanctions," 536 U.S. at 311, emphasis added, into "[t]he Eighth Amendment succinctly prohibits needless sanctions", as a death sentence on a man who is reaching the end of his life through natural causes, which is what petitioner Allen is requesting? The Court may not even have to bridge that distance in light of Roper, it seems to me, since the Court held in the latter that the death penalty is per se a disproportionate punishment for at least some groups (Roper, slip op. at 10).
I think there are two issues potentially reachable through Allen: does the Eighth Amendment prohibit lengthy stays on death row, and does the Eighth Amendment set a maximum age for execution? I think the answer to both is no, but where there is no precedent on the latter, there is some, although not much, on the former.
The Court refused - over a dissent from Stevens, joined in part by Breyer - to review the argument that excessive time on death row was an Eighth Amendment violation in Lackey v. Texas, 514 U.S. 1045 (1995) (cert denied), with the same situation recurring in Elledge v. Florida, 525 U.S. 944 (1998) (cert denied), over a Breyer dissent.
In Lackey, Stevens wrote that:"Though novel, petitioner's claim is not without foundation. In Gregg v. Georgia, this Court held that the Eighth Amendment does not prohibit capital punishment. Our decision rested in large part on the grounds that (1) the death penalty was considered permissible by the Framers, and (2) the death penalty might serve two principal social purposes: retribution and deterrence . . . It is arguable that neither ground retains any force for prisoners who have spent some 17 years under a sentence of death . . . [and] [s]uch a delay, if it ever occurred, certainly would have been rare in 1789." (Citations and quotation marks ommitted). In Elledge, Breyer added:"The Eighth Amendment forbids punishments that are 'cruel' and 'unusual.' Twenty-three years under sentence of death is unusual—whether one takes as a measuring rod current practice or the practice in this country and in England at the time our Constitution was written." So there is at least some intellectual movement on the court in this direction, and while Stevens may soon be off the stage, Breyer is likely to remain for some time.
I think the closest that the court has gotten to a holding on the issue is In re Medley, 134 U.S. 160, cited in both the Stevens and Breyer dissents:"[W]e [cannot] withhold our conviction of the proposition that when a prisoner sentenced by a court to death is confined in the penitentiary awaiting the execution of the sentence, one of the most horrible feelings to which he can be subjected during that time is the uncertainty during the whole of it, which may exist for the period of four weeks, as to the precise time when his execution shall take place." 134 U.S. at 172. However, I think the comparison to Medley is inapt: at issue in Medley - as Stevens and Breyer conveniently neglect to point out - was a statute where, a person having been convicted and sentenced to death, "the warden is charged with the power of fixing the precise day and hour when the prisoner shall be executed; that he is forbidden to communicate that time to the prisoner." The "uncertainty" referred to in the carefully-parsed quotation from Medley is a product of the discretion of the warden to set the time of the condemned man's execution; the sword of damocles literally dangles over the prisoner's head, and I think it quite reasonable to conclude that a man in such a position might suffer some distress. Whether that is Constitutional or not is an issue I have no intention to reach, but it is surely a very different proposition, though, for a prisoner to claim duress when the delay in his execution is not principally at the discretion of some other agent, but primarily because he himself continues to file petitions delaying his execution.
Both Atkins and Roper suggest the metric of state statutes for determining whether a punishment is unconstitutional or not yet. Sadly I lack the time or resources to fully canvas the state of play right now, and I would be surprised if such a provision had widespread existence if it doesn't in California. However, I think it's interesting, in the sense that it does seem to be the next logical leap in the Court's Eighth Amendment jurisprudence, and it would stand to a certain level of reason that, if I were a Justice looking to incubate cases that might help me further constrain the death penalty, I would vote to hear the case just so I could write a dissent that might encourage states to change their minds, such that a similar case further down the road might do to Allen what Roper did to Stanford.
In short, while I doubt Mr. Allen will have much luck with the court, it might be worth watching the orders list tommorow to see if the court actually takes the case, and if not, if anyone other than the two Justices we have already seen to be interested in this case dissent from the denial of cert.
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Post facto: more news and analysis the following day, see Allen, redux, 1/17/2006. For a brief comment of my view on the normative question of the death penalty, see Where I'm at on the death penalty, 1/18/2006.Dissent in the wild II
I've previously titled one of these posts linking to various comments "dissent in the wild," and even a cursorary glance at the WaPo blog shows that it is genuinely in the wild. Hair-raising stuff, there.
The bilingualism issue is a trial balloon, and I want to write more about it at a future date, either on the blog, or the, uh, "pdfcast," or whatever you want to call it. I also hope to talk more in a future blog post about the invididual vs. institutional duty to advise and consent.
Also to point out that Polipundit's Jayson floats Justice Cantero, of the Florida Supreme Court as a future GOP nominee. I will read some opinions and comment further next week.
Comments and random musingsSome comments:
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Anything else to talk about? Maybe my advancing age is affecting my eyes, but I've increasingly found that I need to increase the text size (easy peazy for Firefox users) to read stuff, so I'm wondering if I should increase the default point size of the font on this site. I might bump it up by one or two.
The comments section just got spammed which was an interesting first. Goodbye 80.68.0.0/24, and thanks for playing "who wants to get a Class C network banned"!Informal politicsI'm intrigued by this article on the Accuracy in Media website, not least because it plays to my own prejudices. Its argument is that politics has become too informal, too slacks-and-polo-shirt; hence, the Vice-President of the United States likes to be called Dick Cheney, rather than Richard B. Cheney; The President pro tem of the Senate goes by Ted Stevens, not Senator Theodore F. Stevens of Alaska, with the dignity that might entail. It's a minor thing, and I really don't think it's the most salient factor in the decline of civility in politics, but I do rather agree that formality has a place, and no place more so than in government. Underage suffrage proposal in BritainThe organization “Votes at 16,” which militates for a virtually unprecedented expansion of the franchise, reports that the British Parliament will take up a vote on the matter in January.
You'd think that they would spend more time actually trying to establish that their outlanding and unprecedented proposition is a good idea, really, but the closest to a substantive argument in favor of expanding the franchise that I can find on their website is a 2003 report by the Electoral Commission, entitled How old is old enough? The minimum age of voting and candidacy in UK elections. I dash off an off-the-cuff critique, available in draft form, here (link is to PDF). DowntimeThe blog was evidently down from sometime saturday AM until just now. Stuff happens.
Posting has been light, lately, and I'm aware that there are actally a number of things still outstanding which may or may not make an appearence by the end of the year. My "once and for all" discussion of the ninth and tenth amendments is not now likely to appear until next year, while Answering for Alito (part 2) will appear in the next couple of days, along with an even-longer delayed comment on the difficulties of finding common ground on abortion regulations (this latter one has actually benefited from the delay, since some additional factors have made their way in since I first drafted it). Kitten update 12/12/05

Good show, BreyerJustice Breyer, interviewed by Brian Lamb. Really appreciated this response from Breyer: LAMB: Let me ask you this. You hear some justices talking about being an originalist . . . [a]nd fundamentalist believers in the Constitution as it was written . . . But the Constitution has been amended, and that doesn‘t mean – the forefathers in many cases didn‘t write those amendments.
BREYER: That‘s true. But someone did. And the textualists or the originalists will go back and try to do the same thing for the amendments that he does for the original part. And he will say, what was the history of those amendments? He won‘t deny that the amendments are part of the Constitution. And he will apply the same approach. I was pretty surprised to hear so flagrant a partisan tone from Lamb (I suppose we could be charitable and put it down to ignorance, or perhaps a loaded question), but I appreciate Breyer taking the time to shoot him down rather than glossing over it.
Of course, Lamb felt the need to ask about cameras (i.e., C-SPAN) in the Court. Breyer offered an alright reason against, which is that it would lead to cameras in trial courts, which I think we can all agree is a terrible idea. I am more concerned - although it likely wouldn't occur to Breyer, so we can't blame him for not saying so - for another reason. I just don't see what it is that people think that the Supreme Court does which is relevant to a television audience. It is a court; it isn't a legislature, it isn't a representative branch of government, it's a court. This is a forum for saying what the law is, not fixing the great and momentous issues of society. Of course, Breyer does see it as the latter. We already have enough access to the court: we can read the briefs, we can read the opinions, and we can - after a while - listen to the oral arguments. But what worries me is that if you bring C-SPAN into the Supreme Court, there will be a tendancy for the cameras to push to the court towards being viewed as being precisely what it is not: a representative branch of government.
The arc of Conservative WashingtonI'm always fond of pithy little epigrams like the one Slate offers today, almost by accident, while discussing what is almost indisuptably deepening corruption in Washinton:
Reagan and company arrived to tear down the government and make Washington irrelevant. Now the airport and a giant warehouse of bureaucrats are named after him.
Pilgrim's Progress, it seems. HousekeepingIn the vein of tidying up - I had previously contributed a lot of material to the Wikipedia entry on Originalism, but had left the entry largely alone for some months, and in the meantime, it's gotten rather bloated and messy. Over the next couple of weeks, I'm going to tidy up the article, and add some more material into this and related articles.
I had also underestimated just how widespread and persistent the false conflation of originalism with original intent has become; I have therefore created an entirely separate article for original intent.
I'm continuing to add cases to the Ninoville database, and in Jaunary will begin working on a new project that parallels the work at Wikipedia, originalism.org. Anyone interested in helping out with this one, drop me a line.
I should also add that, back in June, I created a page for the living constitution theories; I created a framework and presented opposing arguments, and suggested that the article should (and must) be balanced, but that doing this would require someone who thinks the theory is a good idea (or, at least, who doesn't see it as quite so invidious as I do). Several other wikipedians agreed that this was important, some going so far as to asy that they like the theory, but don't feel qualified to add defenses themselves. As of this date, five months later, not one person has contributed anything positive in the defense of the living constitution. How long does it have to flatline before we can call it? More commentsHaven't done one of these for a while... - Various comments at ConfirmThem about the Nuclear Option, redux (about which, more soon) and a brief defense of Sen. Olyympia Snowe's (R-Maine) votes in the last nuclear standoff.
- More about Roe and Alito here at Althouse
- A couple of comments at Volokh about originalism and stare decisis
- Discussing the First Amendment
- Wide-ranging discussion at Centerfield, touching on abortion, Miers, and all the usual judicial stuff I like to talk about. ;)
This is all stuff that I've discussed here before, but I think there are some new angles there.
Speaking of Justice Kennedy...Orin Kerr tips us off to an interview with Kennedy.
If you don't feel like wading through five pages of Anthony Kennedy, here is the summary, courtesy of Southern Appeal.
Update: New year's resolution: I will close my < a > tags, I will close my < a > tags... Mr. Justice Alito!President Bush nominates Judge Sam Alito of the United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit to the United States Supreme Court. This is just excellent, excellent news. Judge Alito is a very distinguished jurist with an excellent track record; he was also my first preference to replace Justice O'Connor before the death of the Chief complicated matters.
SCOTUSblog's Supreme Court Nomination Blog profiles Alito, and his official bio can be found here. US News discusses his record here.
Hat tip: Beth at My Vast Right Wing Conspiracy.My first last and only post on "plamegate"I have not followed the actual "plamegate" story, insofar as it appeared then and appears now the summer silly season's second least-interesting non-story (just behind the summer's least interesting non-story, sheehangate. For those counting, the other three contenders in the top five "least interesting non-story" were: lettermangate (he just isn't funny any more), kittengate (a bit of an anomaly this one, in that it was actually of interest, relatively speaking: one of our kittens nearly died and spent four days in hospital) and dessertgate (I just couldn't work out whether I wanted pudding or cake).
In any instance, I read today that there is, in fact, no need to follow the actual story. The indictment of Scooter Libby does not relate to the crimes the Grand Jury was charged with investigating, but rather, Libby's conduct in relation to that inquiry, namely, perjury.
How apt. There may or may not have been an original crime, but in the course of the investigation, crimes were committed for which indictments were issued. Doesn't this all sound rather familiar? High government official caught perjuring himself before the grand jury? Why, yes, it does! In any instance, I argued that Clinton should have been impeached (indicted, even) for perjury, so I can hardly now say that Libby shouldn't be indicted. On the other hand, no liberal can really say that he should go to prison, since Bill didn't exactly serve a sentence (although, in fairness, I would argue that being President of the United States probably does constitute cruel and unusual punishment for any sucker dumb enough to take the gig).
I respectfully decline the invitation to join the (apparently, group) hallucination that this business is actually interesting. The anti-war lexiconI can't resist re-posting these translations from The Fast Squirrel: Handy Dandy Translation Guide For Anti-war Protestors
Nuance: Opposition to United States policy. Often expressed in simplistic terms.
Peace: The complete lack of action from the United States no matter how many must suffer or die.
Dissent: Wearing costumes.
Crushing of Dissent/McCarthyism: Publicly disagreeing with someone more noble. Publicly pointing out flaws in the arguments of those more noble.
Censorship: Only appearing on TV 5 times a week instead of the full 7.
Days of Action: Movie where Tom Cruise met Nicole Kidman.
Facts: Things that get in the way of Truth.
Truth: Something that must be believed regardless of facts. Example: 5,000 civilians were killed in Afghanistan. Did not actually happen, but the US wanted to kill that many and more so that means it is truth.
Racism: Thinking non-whites shouldn't have to live under oppressive, murderous tyrants.
Solidarity: Public nudity to tell those who would be stoned for public nudity that, hey, we care because we're naked.
Multilateral: Doing what the French want.
Unilateral: Going forward without the support of the New York Times.
Oil: When it ain't the Jews, it's this.
Militant: Anyone who kills a member of the oppressive power structure.
That's great! Usually, my meme is to assume that people who believe in something do so in good faith; put another way, people usually have some sort of underlying rationale that renders their ideas legitimate, and in discussion, this presumption of good faith must govern interaction. Treat other people's ideas as being as serious as your own. None-the-less, I got an ilicit kick out of the list above. I don't agree with the nuance one, but regarding the description of "dissent," I suppose it's halloween, so I'm on the lookout for a costume. ;)AddendaBidisha Banerjee at Slate writes: the desire of Bush followers to have O'Connor replaced before the Justices take up the new abortion cases on Nov. 30 appears to have been frustrated by Miers' withdrawal." I dispute that characterization. What frustrated the desire to get Justice O'Connor off the court and replaced by an Originalist
* was not the withdrawal of Miers, but her nomination in the first place. It goes without saying that Ayotte should be decided in favor of New Hampshire, but another Souter who would vote the right way this year, but might vote against it for another thirty years (or fail to carry anyone with them even if they did, by chance, vote the right way) is too high a price to pay.
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* Or, at very least, a Roberts-style conservative - even Justice Kennedy dissented in Stenberg - although I would have been far from satisfied by the latter.Finally - a nominee with a paper trail!President Bush nominates Ben Bernanke (Official bio) as Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board. This nominee has actually served in positions relevant to the post to which he has been nominated, and has written stuff! Huzzah! Just a bunch of noise on the fringe?National Center's Amy Ridenour has posted an utterly glorious transcript of a hapless White House staffer falling afoul of Tucker Carlson's wrath. The WH drone made the unfortunate mistake of suggesting that opposition to Miers is a fringe activity of the "far right" (yes, this guy works for the Bush White House, not the previous one). One reads this sort of nonsensical puffery routinely in recent weeks from the pro-Miers camp, but instead of reading it and then reading eloquent demolitions on blogs, what makes this example spectacular is that Carlson absolutely eviscerates the WH drone, there and then. Great stuff, and well-worth the click.
A couple of interesting things from this morning's newsJohn Podhoretz writes: Having read through the Miers questionnaire supplied to the Senate Judiciary Committee, I note with shock that in a legal career that lasted more than 25 years, she argued 8 cases before juries: "I have identified eight cases that were tried to verdict. I was lead counsel or sole counsel in four, lead local counsel in one, and associate counsel in three." That number again: 8. Eight. E-I-G-H-T. Turns out that the number is pretty important in Miers's career, since it's exactly the same number of cases she dealt with at the appellate level as well.
Her entire combined courtroom experience in the course of her long career: 16 cases. Thus does the last prong in the Miers defense -- that she will bring real-world lawyering experience to the bench -- collapse like a house of cards.
I feel like George Jetson: Jane, won't somebody stop this crazy thing? And in OpinionJournal, Alan Crawford confronts the insulting theory that America is forever tarred by the failure of the founding fathers to suspend the rules of physics and abolish slavery at the founding:Mr. Goldstone doesn't say what he would have had these "highly pragmatic men" do instead, given the reality of slavery in some of the states. He admits that, "had idealism dominated in Philadelphia," there may never have been an America at all. He observes that Gouverneur Morris, Rufus King and John Dickinson--principal northern figures--"seemed willing to pay almost any price for union." Such a willingness makes them sound positively Lincolnesque, but Mr. Goldstone evidently disapproves. If he knows how they could have paid a lower price, he again doesn't say. Another round of "spot the difference"Given the departure of the Supreme Court from the Constitution in recent decades, one of the key questions for any nominee thereto is their attitude towards the doctrine of stare decisis.
I
A
Stare decisis can be charitably described as a common law doctrine which holds that if a case is brought before the Court, if another case has been decided which is indistinguishable (in the legal sense), the previous case should control the court's verdict in this case. It has the effect, in other words, of putting precedent on the same authoritative level as statutes. It's agreed by virtually all concerned that the law needs some internal control mechanism for stability, the consistency of the law being agreed as a good thing.
Yet, the doctrine is a hangover from our English common law heritage, and in a country like England, that lacks a written constitution or formal separation of powers, it's a pretty good idea. But, first, it is on far shakier grounds in the American constitutional order; the U.S. Constitution states that "All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States") (U.S. Const., Art. I, §1, Cl. 1) (emphasis added) - a clause of so little consequence that the embarrassed framers sought to hide it right at the start of the Constitution, where, presumably, no-one would think to look. Second, American constitutional law has an internal control mechanism: the constitution is written, an act which in and of itself demands fealty to the text.
It goes without saying that stare decisis is not a dead letter; in statutory law, it remains entirely valid, and as a guide to constitutional law, it remains valid. But what stare decisis cannot do is trump the text of the constitution or a statute, lest we "mistake the American Constitution for the British Constitution where there are islands of text in a sea of tradition, instead of the other way around." (Calabresi, The Tradition of the Written Constitution: Text, Precedent, and Burke). In all cases, initial reference must always be to the relevant text.
B
So, let's compare:
Harriet Miers on Stare Decisis:"Any decision to revisit a precedent should follow only the most careful consideration of the factors that courts have deemed relevant to that question. Thus, whether the prior decision is wrong is only the beginning of the inquiry. The court must also consider other factors, such as whether the prior decision has proven unworkable, whether developments in the law have undermined the precedent, and whether legitimate reliance interests militate against overruling." (Senate Judiciary Committee, Questionnaire answers of Harriet Miers, nominee to the Supreme Court of the United States, p.56 Antonin Scalia on Stare Decisis:"It has been argued that we should not overrule so recent a decision, lest our action appear to be occasioned by nothing more than a change in the Court's personnel, and the rules we announce no more than the opinions of a small group of men who temporarily occupy high office.
"I would think it a violation of my oath to adhere to what I consider a plainly unjustified intrusion upon the democratic process in order that the Court might save face...I agree with Justice Douglas: 'A judge looking at a constitutional decision may have compulsions to revere past history and accept what was once written. But he remembers above all else that it is the Constitution which he swore to support and defend, not the gloss which his predecessors may have put on it.' Or as the Court itself has said: '[W]hen convinced of former error, this Court has never felt constrained to follow precedent. In constitutional questions, where correction depends upon amendment and not upon legislative action this Court throughout its history has freely exercised its power to reexamine the basis of its constitutional decisions.'" South Carolina v. Gathers, 490 U.S. 805, 824-5 (1989) (Scalia, J., dissenting) (Internal citations and some quotation marks ommitted) Why, put like that, it couldn't be more obvious that President Bush has fulfilled his promise to nominate someone in the mold of Justice Scalia to the Supreme Court!
C
It goes without saying that the discussion in all nomination hearings is an insulting cipher for the nominee's stance on Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973). The suggestion that either liberals or conservatives are in the slightest bit interested in stare decisis in the abstract is patently absurd; no liberal complained when the Supreme Court overruled Bowers v. Hardwick, 478 U.S. 186 (1986) in Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U.S. 558 (2003) (link is to .PDF) or Stanford v. Kentucky, 492 U.S. 361 (1989) in Roper v. Simmons, 544 U.S. __ (2005) (link is to .PDF). Likewise, should the Supreme Court elect to overrule Stenberg v. Carhart, 530 U.S. 914 (2000) this term in Ayotte v. Planned Parenthood, 04-1144 (Oral argument scheduled 11/30/05), it seems unlikely that conservatives will be too upset as to whether the case presents sufficient occaision to do so.
II
What is most troubling about Miers statement - like that of our new Fearless Leader - is its vapid prevarication. Whether one is for or against abortion as a matter of policy, it remains almost indisputable that Roe itself - and, a fortiori, Casey (505 U.S. 833) - was wrongly decided. I have written recently on this subject (Trying to have it both ways on abortion, post at 10/12/2005), and see no need to repeat those remarks here. It seems to me that Roe has become a shibboleth more than a legal decision; I really am curious to know how many people who defend that case a) have even read the opinion and b) can explain why it was correctly decided in any terms other than the result. And, to be fair, I should add, I really am curious to know how many people who hate Roe a) have even read the opinion and b) can explain why it was wrongly decided in any terms other than palatability of the result.
It seems to me that a Republican nominee to the Supreme Court shouldn’t be going before the Senate Judiciary Committee and relying on slight of hand to bamboozle their way through questions on Roe. This implicitly seems to (mistakenly, in my view) concede the point that we are merely trying to obtain a policy-based result, rather than trying to correct a ghastly legal mistake which has corrupted Supreme Court nominations (and, by extension, Presidential elections) ever since. Instead, they should be going in there and calmly, dispassionately and respectfuly explaining precisely why Roe was wrongly decided, demolishing the myths that surround the case (and, following from that, what precisely overruling it would do, in practical terms), and commit themselves to upholding the Constitution of the United States, a pledge which inherently and inescapably requires their vote to reverse Roe. Stare decisis offers no defense against a wrong decision.On the Miers/Powell comparisonPatterico offers these thoughts about why Justice Powell was a nice guy and a bad Justice. Two interesting thingsMore-or-less interesting, at least. An awesome post entitled Why Originalism is Not Strict Constructionism (found via Technorati search) and a quick roundup of a CNBC interview with Scalia notes that "I’m not even sure I wanted [the Chief Justiceship], to tell you the truth", worrying - as David Wagner noted recently - that it would detract from his writing and thinking time.
Lastly, this article eloquently offers more thoughts on the bitter taste of the Miers nomination.
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Post facto: Profs. Althouse and Bainbridge are pointing out that the conflation of strict contructionism with originalism is false and has been explicitly rejected by Scalia a number of times, in print and in speeches. On the value of intellectual firepowerAnother post that was originally written as a blog comment.
One poster argued that "We need a justice who can win the debate — with Breyer, Souter, and others", while another rejoined that "The court does not really work that way, even though it would be nice if it did. A vote going the right way is OK. We have good debaters on our side. Miers doesn’t really need to fill this role."
I agree that it likely does not often work that intellectual argument will sway a decision one way or another, particularly on the big, controversial cases. But those cases are a minority of what the court does with its time. I also think it does us a disservice to suggest that someone like Breyer or even Souter, or especially Kennedy are idealogues, immune from solid reasoning. The mistake of presuming one’s opponent to be a fool is a liberal fallacy we must not replicate on our side of the aisle; these are extremely intellegent people, and what you must realize is that even those 5-4 decisions are not always the same five and the same four. I read a case a couple of weeks ago, I think from the 1992 term, and Justice Souter joined a Scalia concurrence! In Hamdi, Justice Stevens joined a Scalia dissent! Look at Monge v. California (524 U.S. 721) and read this seemingly-improbable sentence: Justice Scalia, with whom Justice Souter and Justice Ginsburg join, dissenting.
I think people who don’t follow the court’s work have this idea of a gladiatorial arena in which two hopelessly irreconcilable camps slug it out for the future of constitutional law. In many ways, the Supreme Court is a supreme bore; the lion’s share of its work is uncontroversial cases turning on staggeringly minute details of extremely uninteresting provisions of obscure statutes. See, e.g., Richards, The Supreme Court Justice & Boring Cases, 4 Green Bag 2d 401. When dealing with cases like this, surely logic and argument can and frequently will carry the day in a conference. It is true that you are never going to talk Justice Ginsburg out of her opinion in a case like U.S. v. Virginia, but the court takes two or three of those cases - out of seventy, eighty or so cases decided per term - and in the rest, intellectual heft makes a difference. Anyone who thinks the Supreme Court is a flashy, easy gig deciding sexy, constitutional questions has never opened a volume of the U.S. Reports.
So I do think that intellectual heft makes a difference in conference. But I would say that it is important to have that kind of ability, even if it never makes a difference at conference. It matters because of the quote from Lady Justice Arden, that "[w]e must not forget that the dissenting opinion is often very valuable in the development of the law in the long term. Often, it contains the germ of an idea, which in a new generation will give forth to the large oak tree. So we should not underestimate the value of those dissenting judgements." Why do you think Justice Scalia writes dissenting opinions? Because he has something to get off his chest? Because he wants to get invited to speaking engagements at conservative seminars?
The value of a dissenting opinion, well-written, is this. We are fighting for the future of the law. We are fighting to change the culture in law schools and courts around the nation, and eventually, public discourse itself. To do this, we must win the argument. When Justice Scalia was dissenting in Morrison v. Olson, his argument did not carry the day - but a generation of law students read that dissent and said to themselves "wow! I’ve never thought about it that way!; and so they continue to read Scalia’s dissents, and they continue to be influenced by him. They start to think more seriously about the role of a written constitution in a democracy, they therefore become more conservative (as defined as commitment to the pricinciples of constituional government), and they write conservative law review articles which later influence other students to become more conservative. Those people are the beginnings of our future law professors, lawyers, judges and Supreme Court justices. The well-reasoned and pithy dissent is an integral part of reclaiming the legal academy from the liberals.
This is, in fact, the most pernicious aspect of the Miers nomination - that it sends a message to conservatives, "don’t write anything, don’t influence anyone, don’t join conservative organizations, because if you do, you will never be a judge." How the hell are we going to make the judiciary more tethered to the original understanding and to textualism if we are cutting off the wellhead of conservative legal thought, silening the voices which bring people over to our side? This president must learn, the hard way if necessary, that the rapture does not beging January 21st 2009, and we are still going to be fighting this struggle for many years to come. We will still need to find new blood, and he is essentially making it harder to influence new legal conservatives.
So I think intellectual heft matters a great deal, and there is no evidence Miers has it. Maybe she does, maybe she doesn’t. But there are a large number of people - male and female, white black and latino - who unquestionably DO have this kind of firepower. Why the hell is Bush asking us to trust him when there is zero need to do so? Why should we trust him when he asks us to trust despite a veritable pantheon of potential nominees who would not NEED to be trusted?
Most of all: why should we trust him when, twice in a row, he has unquestionably failed to deliver on THE promise. The promise for which some people worked hard for him, gave time, money and sweat to get him elected. The promise to appoint Justices in the mold of Scalia and Thomas. Miers is neither. Bush asks us to trust him that he won’t hurt us too much while pulling the knife out of our backs. That’s a nice sentiment, but it’s besides the point, and a little too late.
Reagan would trust, but verify. In the absence of materials by which to verify, we cannot be reasonably asked to trust.Sam Brownback just won a campaign contributionStory. Kansas Republican Sen. Sam Brownback has said he would consider voting against the nomination of Harriet Miers to the Supreme Court even if President Bush made a personal plea for his support. I had been trying to avoid reaching the point of outright hostility to the nomination, but as the week has worn on, I've had to grapple with the question: what is it that would convince me that she was an okay nomination? But the reality is, what it would take to convince me is a paper trail - the want of which being the primary reason she was nominated!
The question is, as it properly should be, what would Reagan do? Well, when Ronald Reagan nominated Robert Bork, NOBODY had to ask whether Bork was "another Harry Blackmun", as we now worry every nominee might be another Souter. Why didn't we have to worry? Because the President said he trusted her? That wasn't it. Because Bork was a good Christian man? That wasn't it either. Everybody knew Bork wasn't another Blackmun because he had a thirty year paper trail, and had worked in little BESIDES constitutional law. What is the writer's maxim? "Show me, don't tell me." Bork showed us. If Miers could show us, she wouldn't have been nominated.
Furthermore, when Bork was defeated, the Democrats controlled the Senate. They do not any more, at least in part because of the defeat of Bork and the promise of Scalias and Thomases. The future of the Courts, and whether America will be governed by the people or by Judicial Oligarchy is THE coagulent that has held the big tent together for thirty years.
I wanted someone in the Scalia/Thomas mold. I wasn't kidding. And nobody - not even those who support her - pretend she is in the Scalia/Thomas mold. It isn't enough for the President to ask us to trust him; as I noted here, and as Paul Weyrich and Trent Lotthave pointed out, we have been sold that line too often, and it has NEVER worked out.
If putting a completely unknown quantity onto the Supreme Court for twenty years - which has NEVER worked out for a Republican President - was not bad enough, there is worse. The worse is, by declaring that anyone with a clear record as a conservative need not apply to be a Judge, that membership of the Federalist Society or any other conservative organization is now a bad thing, Bush will effectively silence the next generation of conservative intellectuals. They will simply stop writing, and if they stop writing, they stop influencing the generation after that. As David Wagner puts it:My concern is that open advocacy of conservative legal views is now a definite disqualifier for the Supreme Court, in a conservative administration that campaigned in part on putting more Scalias and Thomases on the Court, and with a 55-member GOP Senate conference. Whether you're in practice, in academia, or on a lower court, the crime of being conservative in a public place now means no one will appoint you to the Supreme Court. It's not even clear that Federalist Society membership will be tolerated when it comes to picking high Court nominees.
Watch for the next generation of conservative legal thinkers to go silent on the big questions, leaving no indication of who they are, making no disciples, and forcing the next conservative administration -- if there ever is another one, which must now be considered in doubt -- to trust to sheer luck in finding them. A Supreme Court justice is more than just a vote; Scalia changed the legal culture by sheer force of intellect. Even in cases he loses, he writes these extraordinary opinions - accessable, pithy, lucid, and utterly convincing. People in law school - who may never even have met an originalist before - read these dissents and say "you know, by Jove, he's right!" - and thus another conservative is made.
Margaret Thatcher once said, you win the argument and then you win the vote. So it was with me; I did not become a conservative because it seemed like an okay idea, I was dragged by the sheer force of argument offered by conservative intellectuals. They won the argument, they thus won my vote. Bush is not a big fan of winning the argument, and he is helping create a culture that will silence the people who can.
Meanwhile, on the other side...Tony Blankley couches a call for patience and trust for Bush's judgement in attractive prose. In favor of elitismA commenter over at Althouse (not me) offers a pretty good rebuff to the "stop being elistist" objections: [L]et's say you have to choose between two doctors for a heart surgery, you don't know anything about either except you get your hands on their medical diplomas. One graduate with honors from Johns Hopkins, the other was a graduate (no honors) from a second (or worse) tier school. Which do you choose if that is your only information? You could argue that constitutional law isn't brain surgery, but there are at least six very smart guys and gals on the Supreme Court bench today who reach results that make me wonder if they're making it up as they go along, which of course, is the concern with Miers.
David Frum also has more interesting comments today.
Another reason to be concernedI'm reposting this from Volokh, where I posted it as a reply.
Yesterday, I discussed reasons why I was concerned that someone who lacked a strong grounding in process-oriented originalism was unlikely to win my support; today, it occurs to me that there is an additional reason to be concerned. There is nothing in Miers' record that suggests that she will be an originalist, and a very strong presumption that she will not be.
Why this strong presumption? Consider her mindset and experience. She has spent virtually her entire career as a lawyer, and a lawyer that can afford to eat is a lawyer who is results-oriented; they are paid to present a compelling case for a given outcome, not to determine whether their client is right or wrong according to the specifics of the law. There's nothing wrong with the point of view if you're a litigator, and everything wrong with it if you're a jurist. But Miers stands to become the latter, despite a career in which her primary view of the law is precisely what originalism, being process-oriented, stands in opposition to.
This would be less of a concern, of course, if Miers had a strong, clearly articulated judicial philosophy, or a record of having thought deeply about the constitution, its meaning and interpretation. But she does not; virtually every single Volokh co-conspirator has written more in the public record about the Constitution in the last ten days than Harriet Miers seems to have written in the public record in the last ten years.
This being the case, I think there is a very strong presumption that she will reach the court, and draw on every ounce of her much-vaunted "real world" experience. She will determine the (probably conservative, this decade) result that she wants and support it with such materials as are available. In this regard, she will be no different to Justice Ginsburg, Kennedy or Breyer choosing their preferred result and selectively citing precedent - foreign or domestic, as available - to support it. And I don't believe in putting just another flavor of dead wrong on the court.
The Miers nomination: day twoI offer comments about Miers over at Volokh and Patrick Ruffini's blog (1, 2). I read a great takedown of Hugh Hewitt by Professor Bainbridge.
As mentioned yesterday, I'm trying to avoid explicitly rejecting this nominee, because you never know what might turn up in the next few weeks. But when Senator Cornyn (R-Tex), who has "known her for fifteen years" says that "She is obviously not a Scalia or a Thomas", I think it's safe to say which side I'm leaning towards. After the ghastly performance of the Democrats during the Roberts hearings - during which they appeared to display an almost complete failure to grasp what the Supreme Court is actually supposed to do - I'm inclined to agree with Aaron Margolis that "Whoever the Democrats don't want is who we want. Anyone they would label as 'radical' or 'fringe' or 'out of the mainstream,' that is who I want." Margolis goes so far as to call for Miers to be borked by Republicans; I'm not quite willing to go that far yet, but I'm leaning that way.
The first Ruffini comment is actually something I want to think about and maybe later expand upon, but I offer it here anyway in its current form: Originalism is a process-oriented judicial philosophy which is not especially concerned with whether the results are conservative or not. It is a judicial philosophy that is a happy bedfellow to Republicans, because the Republican philosophy is deeply rooted in the same history of the Republic's limited government constitutionalism that originalism venerates; in recent years, though, as *some* Republicans have shifted their philosophical ground away from a system which can be reconciled against the original understanding, they have found that the originalism less-and-less confirms their agenda. See, for example, Scalia's dissent in Hamdi, Thomas' dissent in Raich, or the refusal of the federal courts to get involved with Ex rel Schaivo.
Originalists tend to restrain government, because the constitution is explicitly designed to make government more difficult for the governors. It seems to me that President Bush is determined to put conservative judges on the court, and is well aware that as the conservative majority emerges and solidifies, if the court places limitations on government, that will de facto limit the conservative movement. I fear that the GOP has been but a fairweather friend to the original understanding; the concern is not that Harriet Miers is a blunder, the concern is that the President knew exactly what he was doing. On the other side of things, this article makes a reasonable case for Miers, but not, in my view, a pursuasive one. Lifson argues, for example, that:As the court’s new junior member, the 60 year old lady Harriet Miers will finally give a break to Stephen Breyer, who has been relegated to closing and opening the door of the conference room, and fetching beverages for his more senior Justices. Her ability to do this type of work with no resentment, no discomfort, and no regrets will at the least endear her to the others. It will also confirm her as the person who cheerfully keeps the group on an even keel. This is pretty ephemeral stuff. Justice Breyer has in no way "been relegated to closing and opening the door of the conference room, and fetching beverages for his more senior Justices"; like his jurisprudence or loathe it, Breyer has, though sheer dint of intelligence, become the second most important liberal on the court, besides Justice Stevens, and is ably-placed to succeed Stevens' leadership. He is the intellectual counterweight to Scalia on the Court, a worthy adversary to Our Hero in every way. Are we really to believe that the dynamic of the court depends on who's fetching the tea?
Lifson also suggests that Miers is a hard worker. For some reason, the SNL skit of President Bush whining that "we're working haaard...Came in on a sunday, once" jumps to mind. Merely being a hard worker is hardly a qualification. Lifson concludes by imploring that "[i]f conservatives don’t sabotage his choice, Harriet Miers could make an enormous contribution toward building Court majorities for interpretations of the Constitution faithful to the actual wording of the document." It seems to me that we are asked to take on nothing more than faith that this woman will be an originalist, despite no paper trail, no evidence, nothing. Faith has long been a sticking point for me; I want evidence.
In re Harriet MiersI know very little about Ms. Miers beyond what I've read in the news and blogosphere this morning. In general, in the absence of readily-available evidence to the contrary, I must tack towards caution. I therefore join the opinions of Prof. Zywicki and Article III Groupie in full, and the opinion of David Frum in all but ¶¶1-2.
Prof. Zywicki writes: There are two possible ways to think about appointments, one is to appoint those who will simply "vote right" on the Court, the other is to be more far-reaching and to try to change the legal culture...Bush's back-to-back appointments of Roberts and Miers is a clear indication that his goal is at best to merely change the voting pattern of the Court rather than to change the legal culture. One suspects that the best that conservatives can hope for from the two them is that they will consistently "vote right." I agree, but I write separately to express additional reasons for concern, and to perhaps attack the problem from another angle.
I
I think that what is making me uncomfortable is nominees who are more concerned with results than process.
Whether the results a Justice prefers are liberal or conservative, if they think in terms of results rather than process, they're just another flavor of dead wrong. This is not merely a rhetorical point, but one with real significance for the likely direction of the court. If one favors process, and follows process in a given case to whatever result is compelled by the law and the facts, then process does not really change in time. But, if you favor results, and are in the habit of choosing results and then finding a reason to come out that way, as you change - which, with age, we all inevitably do - the results you prefer may well change.
This, I think, is what happened with Mr. Justice Kennedy: he was a conservative when appointed, but he was a results-oriented conservative, not a process-oriented conservative. As he got older, and spent time in Washington, his proclivities drifted towards the center, thus so did his preferred results. Lacking a firm anchoring in process, he continued to do exactly what he did before: justify results through process, rather than reach results by process. Ditto Ms. Justice O'Connor. This would explain why the process-oriented originalists, Thomas and Scalia, have not disappointed the Presidents who appointed them, and the results-oriented conservatives, Stevens, O'Connor, Kennedy and Souter, have in every instance done exactly that.
To add further example - when I was younger, I was in favor of capital punishment; as I have gotten older (and, I hope, wiser - but if not, at least, wider), I have leaned increasingly towards regarding it as a relic that should be abolished. None-the-less, being an originalist, and being thus process-oriented, I am just as compelled today to the conclusion that capital punishment is constitutional as I was back when I thought it was indisputably a good idea. Perhaps Justice Kennedy had a similar journey to Justice Blackmun. Perhaps Justice Scalia, even, no longer feels the death penalty a good idea - but Justice Scalia at least recognizes that the dictates of his conscience are not to be mistaken for the scope of the constitution. The measure of constitutionality is not the personal preferences of five Justices.
II
I await proof that Miers is a process-oriented originalist, rather than merely a conservative. That this burden of proof lies on the nominee and her backers is unmistakable; if not mandated by the constitution, it is certainly mandated by expediency. Some might suggest that this is a Republican President, and we should thus trust and defer, but I have an unfortunate affliction that I believe doctors call "memory." I keep remembering that a Republican President appointed Earl Warren; a Republican President appointed Harry Blackmun; a Republican President appointed Sandra Day O'Connor; a Republican President appointed Tony Kennedy and David Souter. A President does not gain a right to deference based solely on the party banner they carry; Republican Presidents in general - and a fortiori this President - have earned very little right to deference on their judgement of Supreme Court picks. n1.
Party loyalty should go out of the window when Supreme Court nominations appear, and Senators should remember their oath: to support and defend the Constitution. At the risk of sounding the intolerant ideologue that Ann Althouse suggested that those who oppose Roberts must be - see Althouse, 78 at 1:16 PM; cf. my comments, id. at 1:49 PM - I see no way in which a person who is not an originalist can swear that oath in good conscience.
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In short: I'm not saying that she's a Souter. I'm saying that she has all the appearences of a Kennedy: today a conservative, who chooses conservative results and finds a plausible rationale - but in ten years, fifteen years, twenty years, who knows what results she might prefer. By contrast, I feel very confident in saying that in twenty years, Clarence Thomas will still be ruling essentially the same way, even if his personal proclivities have changed, and if Scalia can hold out that long, so will he. As Robert Bork once explained, "I don't want liberal judges, I don't want conservative judges; I want originalist judges." In the absence of strong evidence that Miers is such, I respectfully dissent.
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Footnotes
n1. Not, of course, that I have a great deal of deference for this administration in general, having often found myself at odds with it. See, e.g., Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, 4/12/2005; Judicial filibusters - my take, 5/3/2005; CAFTA passes US Senate, 7/1/2005; The recess appointment power: not so fast, 8/1/2005; GOP spending, 9/27/2005. But cf. This Big Tent, 3/3/2005.
GOP spendingOver at GOPbloggers, Jon notes an article by Brendan Miniter at Opinion Journal criticizing the GOP's incontrollable spending urge since the departure of Newt Gingrich. A commenter attacks Jon and Brendan for stating the patently obvious, (viz., that "[w]e can futilely try to be apologists for Republican spending, which will lead inevitably to electoral defeat, or we can nip it in the bud to preserve our control of Washington"), observing by inference that "28 billion in [highways bill] pork in a 2.4 trillion dollar budget" really isn't that much, and asking "[w]hy the hell should you spend your time attacking Democrats...[when] you've got Republicans to slay here at GOPbloggers!"
"A decade ago, 120 Republicans co-sponsored a bill to abolish the Department of Education...Under President Bush, spending on the Department of Education has risen by 39.8%, and Federal intrusion into education has been expanded. This is not the stuff that shrinking government until one might drown it in the bathtub is made of. " This is absurd and counterproductive, because it flies in the face of reality.
The Bush administration has increased non-defense discretionary spending by 18.12% from $331bn in 2001 to $391bn. See OMB, FY06 Budget priorities at Table S-2. During the same period, real GDP increased from $9,910bn to $10,999bn, a rise of slightly under 11%. See Bureau of Economic Analysis, Annual Revision of the National Income and Product Accounts August 2005 at Table 1. This, growth, incidentally, highlights the fundamental correctitude of the President's tax cuts.
Our spending is outpacing our means, even when our ideology demands otherwise. A decade ago, 120 Republicans co-sponsored a bill to abolish the Department of Education. See H.R. 1883, 104th Congress. Under President Bush, spending on the Department of Education has risen by 39.8%, to 56.6bn (see OMB, supra, at Table S-3), and Federal intrusion into education has been expanded. See H.R. 1, 107th Congress. Between 2001 and 2005, not a single agency has REDUCED its budget. See OMB, supra.
This is not the stuff that shrinking government until one might drown it in the bathtub is made of.
The entire requested 2006 budget for the Department of Homeland Security is $29.3bn (up from $14.0bn in 2001) (ibid.), so when the fellow criticizing Jon and Brendan post starts suggesting how triffling GOP profligacy is, because that porcine monstrosity of a highways bill contained "only" $28bn in pork, one can see that he's not actually READ the budget to place that nummber into context.
We have become a party of big government and big spending. Jonathan - and, by extension, Brendan - are absolutely right. The proposal urged by the commenter of how we might be a good friend to our party - to turn a blind eye and focusing on attacking the other party - is the solution of one who averts his eyes while the alcoholic friend procures another bottle of moonshine; it is the difference between what Newt Gingrich has characterized as "[o]pposition [Conservatism] or [g]overning Conservatism". I prefer the latter. Those of us who support the GOP may turn a blind eye, but our opponents will not, and neither will the public. The American people are not stupid; asking them to buy that the Federal budget is in the state that it is in because of the other party is absurd and asinine.
Another politics test...I don't know that this is entirely accurate, but what test ever can be? Still fun.
You are a Social Moderate (41% permissive) and an... Economic Moderate (56% permissive) You are best described as a: Centrist
Link: The Politics Test on Ok Cupid |
Less nebulous than you'd thinkI'm playing catchup. I started writing four essays during August, set them aside for a couple of weeks for a chance to revisit them fresh, and then got too busy to do much with them.
The first of them is "Less nebulous than you'd think", a rejoinder to some accusations made about originalism by a poster over at Prawfsblawg. It rejects several theories: (1) that originalism is judicial activism, (2) that originalism is merely a veil for conservative rulings, the "excelsior ratchet" (the theory that the living constitution theory can only work in one direction, to make us ever more free, to protect ever more rights), (3) that the bill of rights as originally written has no relevance today, and (4) that all rights must be written into the constitution to have any meaning. This latter point is a very brief treatment, and is the subject of one of the other essays, which I hope to finish by early next month.CommentComments at Centerfield about substantive due process and the role of the courts. Links to comments foreign law. Some comments on abortion and a follow up regarding Balkin's horrible originalism essay. Comments at Althouse about the meaning of the tenth amendment and respectfull dissent in the wild at a random blog I found my way to about the lessons of Dred Scott.
We haven't forgotten you, AfghanistanKABUL, Afghanistan -- Afghans embraced democracy by the millions yesterday, with voters undaunted by weeks of violence and threats of terrorist attacks to cast ballots for the first elected parliament in decades. The vote went smoothly, with only a handful of incidents involving gunfire or militant attacks at the 6,200 polling stations...With more than 12 million voters registered, election officials said 80 percent to 85 percent cast ballots -- an unheard-of turnout in Western democracies. Story. This is really pleasing to see; if Afghanistan - a country with scant communications or transportation infrastructure, where an immense chunk of the population is illiterate and uneducated - can make this work, Iraq certainly can too.More commentsSome lengthy comments on the rights/ninth/tend issue and some comments about first principles. Also, comments on foreign laws and precedents. Detention of citizens in wartime (or, Hamdi, redux)In April, I wrote to disagree with the Supreme Court's ruling in Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, 542 U.S. 507 (2004). In that case, the Court was "called upon to consider the legality of the Government’s detention of a United States citizen on United States soil as an 'enemy combatant' and to address the process that is constitutionally owed to one who seeks to challenge his classification as such." Writing for the Court, Justice O'Connor "conclude[d] that detention of individuals falling into the limited category we are considering, for the duration of the particular conflict in which they were captured, is so fundamental and accepted an incident to war as to be an exercise of the 'necessary and appropriate force' Congress has authorized the President to use." Although the Court insisted that Hamdi was entitled to appeal, it did not hold that his detention was unlawfull. Justice Scalia, joined by Justice Stevens, wrote a dissent that I find pursuasive, for the reasons previously outlined in April.
Today, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit hands down a ruling (link is to PDF file) in Padilla v. Hanft, which relies in large part on Hamdi to conclude that the unlimited military detention of another U.S. citizen (unlike Hamdi, unquestionably an active Al Queda member) is also legal. As in Hamdi, I find this line of thinking discomfiting.
This case, in my mind, revolves around a single question: Is Padilla a citizen? Unless he has renounced that citizenship, he may not be deprived of it. Perez v. Brownell, 356 U.S. 44 (Warren, C.J., dissenting); accord United States v. Wong Kim Ark, 169 U.S. 649, Osborn v. Bank of the United States, 22 U.S. 738 (1824). If he is, he should be prosecuted for treason per U.S. Const., Art. III §3 and 18 USC §2381. As Justice Scalia explained, dissenting in Hamdi: Where the Government accuses a citizen of waging war against it, our constitutional tradition has been to prosecute him in federal court for treason or some other crime. Where the exigencies of war prevent that, the Constitution’s Suspension Clause, Art. I, §9, cl. 2, allows Congress to relax the usual protections temporarily. Absent suspension, however, the Executive’s assertion of military exigency has not been thought sufficient to permit detention without charge. No one contends that the congressional Authorization for Use of Military Force, on which the Government relies to justify its actions here, is an implementation of the Suspension Clause. The Court's opinion today does not question that Padilla is a citizen:The exceedingly important question before us is whether the President of the United States possesses the authority to detain militarily a citizen of this country who is closely associated with al Qaeda, an entity with which the United States is at war It not being contested that Padilla is a citizen, on what grounds is he unentitled to file a habeas petition? On what grounds is he denied the rights guaranteed to a U.S. citizen? On what basis can an act of Congress - in this case, the AUMF - supercede the requirements and strictures of the Constitution? The court does not say.
I would affirm the ruling of the district court in this case, and by the same logic, I would overrule Hamdi in favor of the views expressed in Justice Scalia's dissent in that case. I respectfully dissent.Wagner on Nino for Chief; my concerns vis-a-vis RobertsProf. David Wagner of Regents Univ. School of Law sums up my thoughts on the non-appearence of "Chief Justice Scalia": A student asked me this morning whether I was disappointed that Our Hero didn't get the nod for Chief. No, and for the same reason I never thought he would be chosen. The job doesn't play to his strengths at all. It would pressure him to get "moderate," as it did to Rehnquist; and it comes with a bag of administrative responsibilities that would unacceptably divert him from his mission of explaining the Law and proclaiming the Truth. Wagner also notes the possibility of a Justice Edith Jones (¶5), and holds out the tantalizing hope of my preferred pick - Justice Alito. Stop with your infernal toying with our hopes, Professor!
"Scalia and Thomas are originalists, textualists, and conservatives - at the best of times, in that order...[But] it is far from clear that Roberts, C.J., will be a friend to the originalist cause" I remain, at best, non-plussed, and at worst, somewhat discomfited, by the Roberts nomination. In some ways, I admit, it's because I am envious of the certainty that his opponents on the left display (this does, of course, rest on the predicate of taking their protestations at face value, a very, very dubious proposition). What I have found to be most strange about the Roberts nomination is the certainty and confidence with which groups such as NARAL and the ACS have declared that a Justice Roberts will vote against Roe and Griswold. I see very little in his record that gives me hope that Roberts believes that text trumps precedent, nothing at all that decries substantive due process as a doctine, and even less to make me think that he is (or could become) an originalist. Wherefore this strange certainty - or is it really entirely cynical?
For all the angry scolds of the left, it seems to me that those who should feel aggrieved about the Roberts nomination is not the left - who got far better than they could possibly have expected - but rather, those who voted for President Bush based on his promise to appoint Justices with views such as Scalia and Thomas. I evidently misunderstood Bush on this one. Scalia and Thomas are originalists, textualists, and conservatives - at the best of times, in that order. With the Roberts nomination, and John's unquestionably a conservative jurist, it seems to me that what Bush meant was, "I will appoint conservative justices, period". For me, the constitution comes before party line, but let's face it: the Bush administration and its supporters never saw a means they didn't like to an end they wanted, and it suddently seems depressingly clear that many of those who lionize Scalia know even less about his jurisprudence than those on the other side who demonize him.
As Randy Barnett noted a few days back, it is far from clear that Roberts, C.J., will be a friend to the originalist cause; a conservative activist judge is not one whit better, in my view, than a liberal activist judge; as Robert Bork once put it, paraphrasing Lenin, "He who says Roe must say Lochner and Dred Scott". At best, he might be, as Rehnquist, C.J., generally was, a neutral. One step forward, but, I fear, how many steps back?
.............
Post facto: Further discussion on this subject can be found here, here and here.
Comment roundupSome recent comments:
"He was my friend long before he was my Chief. May he rest in peace."Fairwell to the Chief. SCOTUSblog is carrying reactions from the Associate Justices to the untimely death of Chief Justice Rehnquist.
A fond farewell to the Chief by one of his former Law Clerks, today in Slate. Shamefull writing by BalkinJack Balkin wrote an article on Slate today. Aghast at what I saw as "a duplicitous flight of fancy between absurdity and the furthest reaches of falsehood; a barely-coherent combination of half-truths, bifurcation and false conflation (wherever it best suits his agenda), led by a veritable platoon of straw men", I penned an incandescent dissent spread across Balkins's blog and Volokh. I also added comments at PrawfsBlawg. When I've calmed down somewhat, I might try to put these into a calmer response, but in the meantime, Tim at Postive Liberty has taken the time to pen a more temperate rebuttal. I commend Tim's rebuttal, and can only shake my head at the depths the living constitutionalist must plumb to propagandize.
I suppose I should take heart; this is truly thin gruel, and if this is the best they've got, they've lost the argument. If Microsoft made ViLink. The recess appointment power: not so fastPresident Bush today sidesteps the Senate, appointing John Bolton as UN ambassador via his recess appointment power. As an originalist, something about this strikes me as slightly unsettling, but it's not the same thing that's probably troubling democrats.
I had to go back and check the text more specifically, but something strikes me as being a little off here. The clause (Art.II §2 Cl.3) says: "The President shall have the power to fill up all Vacancies that may happen
during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall
expire at the end of their next session." What's troubling me is that word "session". In current usage, of course, each Congress is comprised of two sessions - hence why the Senate's website divides votes for each Congress into first and second sessions. Thus a modern reading of the clause effectively means that a recess appointment can span an entire Congress - two years!
I can't support this feeling without doing a little more research, but this seems contrary to the intent of the Framers, insofar as it dramatically increases the power of the Executive. A modern reading of the clause effectively says that a President may ignore the second Senate of his Presidency. I say "a modern reading", of course, but I am an originalist; I do not accept that the Constitution's meaning necessarily evolves with our language. It means today what it meant when it was adopted. That constitutional knife is double-sided - and damned sharp! We need an essay on the original understanding of the recess clause; I will not try to write it here, but I will offer an outline of what it might contain. (EDIT: such an essay apparently already exists! The Right Coast's Mike Rappaport, of the University of San Diego School of Law, wrote such an article last year, The Original Meaning of the Recess Appointments Clause. Hat tip to Jeremy at ChargingRINO).
In earlier times, state legislatures and the Continental Congress were not in session throughout the year, due to (I suspect) a combination of a paucity of business and (particularly in the case of the Continental Congress, the sheer physical demands of assembling the body in one place for any period of time. IIRC, during (and for a long time after) the revolutionary war, the Continental Congress was homeless and nomadic, further hampering the business of assembling it and transacting business.
The Framers must have been aware of these concerns, and the chaos they brought to any attempt at national government. They included in the Constitution the explicit instruction that there would be a single, official seat of government, possibly to remedy the second point I raised above. But they also included a clause that said that when Congress was not readily available to debate and confirm (or deny) executive appointments, the President should have the authority to fill those vacancies in the interim. It stands to reason that there was a strong presumption that an office which is necessary is an office which should be filled. The mechanism, it seems to me, was foreseen to operate thusly: if the Congress wasn't in session, the President makes a recess appointment. Once Congress returns, it either votes to sustain that appointment, thus making it official - or it does not, the President therefore nominates someone else, and the process repeats until Senate confirmation. At midnight on the day following the end of the session of Congress, the person in the office filled by recess appointment will be a person who has been confirmed by Congress.
So that's a very, very ad hoc description of how I think the clause might have originated, and how that system would therefore have been understood to operate. I would want to do a lot more reasearch before saying any of this definitively, specifically, into actual pre-1787 American legislative practise, with a particular focus on the Continental Congress and post-1776 state constitutional practise, and also look at the first hundred years of the recess appointment's use, just to start with. However, with those qualifications in mind, it seems to me that we need to discard our current understanding of "sessions" of Congress. It seems to me that the President can ONLY use the recess power when the Congress is not in session; therefore, in any situation where the President has the power to fill a vacancy via recess power, the Congress' SESSION has ended. In other words, the meaning of "session" in the legislative calendar should not necessarily be seen as the same thing as a §2 Cl.3 session. Put more bluntly: if the President has the power to make a recess appointment during a weekend, the appointment expires at 11:59:59 the following Friday.
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"He who lives by the ipse dixit dies by the ipse dixit", as Scalia once wrote (487 U.S. at 726); and I am chained by my interpretative philosophy. Although originalism is too often castigated as an excuse for conservatism, in my view - admittedly, not an unbiased one - it is no such thing. The fact that an originalist reading of the constitution, in my view, militated against the nuclear option, and seems to militate against the ongoing abuse of the recess appointment power (I say ongoing, because President Clinton used it 140 times; see Henry B. Hogue, CRS Report for Congress: Recess Appointments: Frequently Asked Questions), should perhaps indicate - for better or worse - how false this conflation is.
This view, of course, will do nothing to improve my standing in GOP circles, but my loyalty is to the Constitution first, and the party second. This decision by the President is not entirely unexpected (Democrats are already setting the stage for the same "document demand filibuster" against John Roberts as was used to torpedo Bolton; it thus stands to reason that the President should wish to send a "not so fast, speedy" signal to Sen. Reid), but I must again respectfully dissent from the party line.The burning issueCenterfields today notes an incident in Ohio, where: Less than 24 hours after a Tri-state soldier was buried, someone pulled up 20 American flags from his father-in-law's front yard and set fire to them under a car in the driveway. Inevitably, this event is going to spur argument over the wisdom of the constitutional amendment empowering Congress to ban the burning of the flag. I haven't had occaision to comment on either its chances or wisdom in this context previously, so I will do so today.
I I suspect that the amendment will pass Congress, but I don't know whether it will pass muster in the states. The ultimate question that determines its fate - as obvious as this may sound - is whether the opponents will succeed in characterizing it as an issue of free speech, or whether the proponents will succeed in characterizing it as a question of respect for the flag and for America's values. If the latter prevails, and the public perception is that it's a question of protecting the flag, the amendment will pass with flying colors, because which state legislator wants to read a newspaper report that they voted against protecting the American flag? This framing stuff that Lakoff and Dean like so much may sound like a trendy buzzword, but it does actually matter. ;)
II As regards the advisability of the amendment. I preface these remarks by saying, first, there are obviously some very good, strong reasons why one might oppose the flag burning amendment, most of which are offered in the comments of the Centerfields post previously linked to; and second, I have mixed feelings about the amendment, and I therefore offer three underlying reasons why I find myself more inclined than not to support it.
A The first is the value of Old Glory. When I read Justice Stevens' dissent in Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397 (1989), I find myself in the not entirely unfamiliar position of thinking, "But Mr. Justice Stevens, this isn't an argument about whether the law is unconstitutional, it's an argument about whether the law is a terrible idea or not!". I have frequently made the argument that the Court should rule on what the Constitution says, regardless of how much the law is a good idea; if the people really want the law, they should amend the constitution. Unusually, the Court did exactly that; they ruled over Justice Stevens' dissent that burning the flag constitututed protected free speech. Now, over a decade later, my prescription for how the Constitution's meaning should be updated is in motion, and we are occaisioned to consider something that the Supreme Court can never legitimately consider: not whether a law banning the burning of the flag is unconstitutional, but whether it should be unconstitutional. And in that context, I find Justice Stevens' argument an impassioned and convincing exhortation of why this amendment should pass.
I take the flag and the pledge very, very seriously. They are omnipresent reminders that everything that Americans take for granted now was paid for by the willingness of America's forefathers to soak that flag in their blood. I fully agree that a ban on burning the flag is unconstitutional. I am not convinced that it shouldn't be - because, in Justice Stevens' words:It is more than a proud symbol of the courage, the determination, and the gifts of nature that transformed 13 fledgling Colonies into a world power. It is a symbol of freedom, of equal opportunity, of religious tolerance, and of good will for other peoples who share our aspirations. The symbol carries its message to dissidents both at home and abroad who may have no interest at all in our national unity or survival.
The value of the flag as a symbol cannot be measured. ...Conceivably that value will be enhanced by the Court's conclusion that our national commitment to free expression is so strong that even the United States as ultimate guarantor of that freedom is without power to prohibit the desecration of its unique symbol. But I am unpersuaded. The creation of a federal right to post bulletin boards and graffiti on the Washington Monument might enlarge the market for free expression, but at a cost I would not pay. Similarly...sanctioning the public desecration of the flag will tarnish its value - both for those who cherish the ideas for which it waves and for those who desire to don the robes of martyrdom by burning it. That tarnish is not justified by the trivial burden on free expression occasioned by requiring that an available, alternative mode of expression - including uttering words critical of the flag - be employed. B The second point that I would make is that we accept numerous limitations on free speech, and always have. Free speech has never been considered carte blanche to libel, to incitement or "yelling fire in a crowded theater", to fighting words, to obscenity. We have long accepted the principal that there are some forms of speech which can reasonably be restricted, either because they are considered, by virtually unanimous consent, to be valueless, or, as in this case, they are of too little value relative to the damage which they might inflict. For example:"That this amendment was intended to secure to every citizen an absolute right to speak, or write, or print, whatever he might please, without any responsibility, public or private, therefor, is a supposition too wild to be indulged by any rational man.
...It is plum, then, that the language of this amendment imports no more, than that every man shall have a right to speak, write, and print his opinions upon any subject whatsoever, without any prior restraint, so always, that he does not injure any other person in his fights, person, property, or reputation;1 and so always, that he does not thereby disturb the public peace, or attempt to subvert the government. It is neither more nor less, than an expansion of the great doctrine, recently brought into operation in the law of libel, that every man shall be at liberty to publish what is true, with good motives and for justifiable ends. (III J. Story, Commentaries on the Constitution §1874) Furthermore, I have tended to view the first amendment as predominantly a guarantee of political speech, and as such, I would personally be far more willing to sustain a challenge to, say, corporate speech (read, advertising standards regulations) than most of my originalist bretheren. But that rationale leads me to the conclusion that "speech" is not monolithic, and that some restrictions or limitations may be permissable.
C
Lastly, I note that this amendment does not prohibit the desecration or burning of the flag, it merely empowers Congress to do so. To put it bluntly, if it were otherwise, I would be far less inclined to support it.
I objected to Kelo (q.v. Kelo: May the Farce Be With You, 6/28/05) on the grounds that it took a right that was protected by the Constitution and improperly placed the choice to enforce or abridge that right into the democratic arena, and that there can be no coherent purpose in placing a right in the constitution other than specifically to preclude its presence in the democratic process. Likewise, then, this amendment takes a part of a right underwritten by the Constitution, and makes its upholding or abridgement a part of the normal democratic process in the political arena. However, while this amendment would have substantially the same effect as Kelo, the method by which it is offered - the Article V amendment process - gives this a legitimacy which Kelo lacks. I have never argued that the Constitution is frozen in time for all time, only that the Supreme Court cannot change its meaning. The authority to change, abridge or expand the Constitution always exists, as a function of the sovereignty of the people. Cf. comments discussing rights and sovereignty here.
III Because I view some restrictions on free speech absolutism as valid, because of the inestimable value of Old Glory, and because the change is offered in the correct manner, I think that there are legitimate arguments to be made that the amendment can and should succeed. Since we may never again see the day I agree with him, I'll give the last word to Justice Stevens:The ideas of liberty and equality have been an irresistible force in motivating leaders like Patrick Henry, Susan B. Anthony, and Abraham Lincoln, schoolteachers like Nathan Hale and Booker T. Washington, the Philippine Scouts who fought at Bataan, and the soldiers who scaled the bluff at Omaha Beach. If those ideas are worth fighting for - and our history demonstrates that they are - it cannot be true that the flag that uniquely symbolizes their power is not itself worthy of protection from unnecessary desecration. Two more comment threadsI have some relatively lengthy comments in two threads: These comments are essentially discussing the same thing, which is further expansion on how I view the U.S. Constitution. My comments at Prawfsblawg - in a thread originally about Justice Roberts and the french fry case - talks about the imperative of the courts ruling on the law as it stands, even if the result is not the best result; it draws comparisons to the Pollock case which effectively presaged the 16th amendment. However, I also give some outlines as to where my current thinking is on the concept of Constitutional rights, and how this plays into the 9th and 10th amendments.
Over at ACSblog, I wrote a fairly long comment discussing the absurdity of the Living Constitution in the face of an amendment process, and providing examples (Pollock and the 16th again; the 17th and 18th). However, I also revist a line of thought I discussed previously, listed in discussions here. Roundup 7/20/05I've made a couple of comments today on the Roberts nomination in various places: Scalia and consistencyNice blog posting here, asking whether it really matters that Nino isn't always a model of sticking to originalist principles. Roundup 7/13/05Various comments I've posted on blogs recently:
Strange matters afoot in KentuckyThis was reported no our local news, but the WashTimes has a fairly similar precis:
http://washingtontimes.com/upi-breaking/20050602-041412-9855r.htm
I will write more about this once I've had a chance to review the relevant materials, but in summary: Kentucky requires six year residency for State Senate candidates; the winner of an election last fall had been a resident for a little shy of six years. A Judge voided her candidacy post facto and declared her opponent the winner; the Kentucky Senate begged to differ, claiming that the Constitution permits that body to determine the results of elections, and promptly seated woman who won the election. Bizarre stuff. GID - thoughtsA poster who identifies themselves as a female on a message board I frequent has "come out" (if that's the correct term for these things) as a "pre-op male-to-female transsexual". I have to admit that transexuals - like bigamists - are one of the few areas where my tolerence for, shall we say, alternatives, fails me. This being a posible learning opportunity, I noted:
[M]y instinct when someone expresses desire for gender realignment
would be that they seek the help of a medical professional, as in a psychologist,
not a surgeon. I'm sorry you have these problems, but I believe that we're born
male or female, and I don't believe that we can change that, any more than we
can change our ethnicity.
For much the same reasons, I don't agree with your premise that you were "born
in the wrong body" either - you weren't "born in the wrong body", you were born
in the body in which you were born - which is, by definition, the right one.
It's true that male and female brains are wired differently, (See, e.g., Steven
Pinker, How the Mind Works; Barbara & Allan Pease, Why Men Don't Listen
and Women Can't Read Maps), but it's generally agreed that there is a wide
range of variance and crossover. For example, according to the Pease test (Pease,
supra, at 57-66), my brain is more female-wired than my mom's, and my
mom's brain is more male-wired than either mine or my dad's. All four of the
immediate family (my sister is more borderline than the rest of us) are on the
"wrong" side of the line for male vs. female wiring. Does that mean that we
were born in the wrong bodies? Nope. Does it mean we should go to therapy? Nope.
Does it mean we should undergo gender reassignment surgery? Nope. It means that
we were born how we were born, and that's that. There is no such thing as "the
wrong body"; there is only what you're born with.
Lastly, I reject your comment that "transsexuality can't be 'cured'", insofar
as, in my view, "curing" implies that there's something inherently "wrong" in
the first place, which I simply don't subscribe to. Depression, or any number
of other psychological disorders, are a function of the mind, and they are certainly
real to the people experiencing them, but we treat people with depression with
psychological help; we don't deal with acoholism with a nice big bottle of bourbon
and a friendly wave, and so it seems to me that we shouldn't deal with gender
idendity disorder with surgery.
(see also, Tammy Bruce, The Death of right & Wrong for perspective on this matter).
However, because this could potentially be a learning experience, and because I'd like to think that if someone presented facts that couldn't be reconciled with my views that I'd change my mind, I questioned:If you can point me to some studies which contradict this view, I'd be willing to read them, but my viewpoint on this is that it isn't a question of tolerance; rather, it's a question of sympathy for people who have a psychological affliction, and ensuring that they get the help they need. We don't "tolerate" people with schizophrenia or Borderline Personality Disorder - we help them.
And so he provided me with a few links, none of which did anything to change my
mind. My subsequent reply, including discussion of some of those materials, is
reprinted below. (N.b., when I write "you", I am addressing the person
to whom I was responding, not you, the present reader).
* * *
As it seems to me, and I've read nothing in the links that you've posted that convinces me otherwise, gender identity is as much a function of one's physical presence, and societal reaction thereto, not just one's psychology. In §§ I and II, I will further expand on my views as noted above, and in §§III and IV, I will respond to some of the material you posted in rebuttal.
I
The psychological characteristics that we call "male" and "female" are obviously
and certainly very real, and there is a legitimate difference between "male"-wired
brains and "female" wired brains. The difference is predominantly in the density
on connections between hemispheres. See generally, Pease, supra, at 43-57. We
can explain this difference in either evolutionary or theological terms co-equally,
as a function of the different roles played by men and women in an earlier (essentially,
pre-Roman) time. However, if the difference between a "male" wired brain and a
"female" wired brain is in somthing as extrisic to gender as - in effect - bandwidth,
we might wonder: how deep-rooted are the labels of "male" and "female" as they
apply to brains? Or even, what does it mean to call a brain "male" or "female",
vs. a more physiologically literal description of "densely connected" and "less
connected"?
We must discard our assumptions of what "male" or "female" mean to us in common
usage, and look through these terms to their roots. I would argue that it is the
functions which have been assigned to us based on our gender that influence whether
those brain functions are characterized as "male" or "female", rather than the
other way around. In other words, the labels of a "male" brain vs. a "female"
brain are a result of characteristics which seem particularly well-adapted to
the gender roles assigned to humans with a male physiology compared to those gender
roles assigned to humans with a female physiology. For example, male-type bodoes
being physically stronger and less sensitive for pain, it was obvious that those
humans with male-type bodies would be hunter-gatherers, and thus those brain functions
particularly conducive to the hunter-gatherer role - e.g., spacial abilities -
would also be labelled "male" functions. Q.v. Pease, supra, at 102-124.
In the modern era, our gender expectations - and those placed on us - are also
largely formed by physical constraints; by societal reaction to our physical gender,
and by factors intrisic to gender (for example, in women, menstruation). These
factors create a shared sense of commonality and, where applicable, community.
Because societal evolution has largely eviscerated (or at least, severely undercut)
the notion of prescribed gender roles, the "male" and "female" brain characteristics
are generally seen as being inherent in the definition of being "male" and "female",
rather than their being merely the characteristics associated with obsolete gender
roles that men and women played. It seems to me that the question asked by transsexuals
is: "I don't feel like I belong in this body", based on what they percieve to
be conflict between the way their brain works and their physical body. This rests
on the assumption that the female gender is a female-wired brain in a female body.
But gender, as I see it, is a physical description which informs a social experience;
certainly, there are characteristics - psychological and physiological - which
particularly appertain to men and women, but don't accept that a woman who likes
sports is any less a woman, or a man who cries is any less of a man. In other
words: our gender identity is about more than how we're wired upstairs, it's a
deeply-rooted combination of physical, psychological and societal factors.
II
That sexuality is disconnected from gender should be obvious from your own experience:
you're seeking (one presumes) a gender realignment from male to female, yet having
undergone that procedure, you intend to retain your current sexual preference:
you prefer women, and that's because you prefer women, not innately and as inevitable
function of the fact that you're a male. My understanding is that this is situation
normal for many (if not most) transsexuals.
III
Article:
Rather, transsexuals take such drastic measures because they feel so strongly and consistently that they should have been born the opposite sex I would argue that they do so because they WANT to be the opposite sex, and their argument that they SHOULD have been born the opposite sex is a post facto (and likely subconscious) attempt to rationalize that desire.
Interestingly, according to the same source, the overwhelming majority of transsexuals are also male-to-female:Rates of occurrence of known female-to-male transsexuals are significantly lower, typically being around 1/3 to 1/4 of the rate for male-to-female transsexuals.
The article notes that "[t]his suggests that varying cultural factors might play
a role in the decision to be open about the condition". I would suggest an alternative
interpretation. All children are concieved as women, and are altered to men by
a massive dose of hormones given at a certain point during gestation. One can
hardly help but wonder if there is a connection between the overwhelming majority
of transexuals being male-to-female and our biological beginnings as female. Precisely
what that link might be, and what the implications of this would be, however,
I do not know.
IV
I mentioned in my remarks at the top of this thread that I had not read anything which changed my mind, but at least one of the essays you linked to re-inforces my view that gender identity disorder is a psychological disorder and should be treated as such. Indeed, one of the links you posted suggested it is, in as many as 80% of cases, a result of molestation or other childhood trauma:
There are many and varying family circumstances which may be partly
responsible for transsexuality. As for homosexuality, a late birth order is
common (Blanchard et al., 1996). It appears that being late, or last,
in a family of children is often not optimum. A child may receive less attention
from parents, and other siblings may well be dominant. Rather unusual family
conditions have sometimes been implicated (Rekers, 1996) In an NIMH program,
a survey of 70 clients found no obviously physical symptoms (except one case
of an undescended testicle) but 80% of the mothers and 45% of the fathers had
psychiatric problems of various types which are very high incidences. For the
most gender dysphoric, in all cases the father was absent. Overall in 54% of
cases the father was absent, and in 37% of cases there was no adult male role
model. If a father or role model was available, in 60% of cases he was psychologically
distant. Another common factor was frequent ineptness at sport. The latter can
arise from lack of physical co-ordination, but will have strong psychological
effects in the highly competitive world of growing boys. Thus there are a constellation
of social factors probably involved.
In some cases (pers. comm. J.Leach) sexual abuse may be involved. As
in homosexuality, particularly for those subjects in clinical settings, rates
of 80% have been recorded."
(From Whitehead, Should transsexuality be freely endorsed by Christians?) (Citations in original).
Whitehead further notes that, "Identical twins, having identical genes and identical environment, should have identical transsexuality; if not, unique individual experiences are responsible". This has an obvious implication, and Whitehead does not shy from it:
The question whether transsexuality is determined, i.e. innate, inescapably
forced on people, is best answered by two paths (a) do identical twins always
both have the condition? (b) is any change through therapy possible? ...For
transsexuality (a rarer condition than homosexuality) far fewer twin data are
available. There is one case (Garden & Rothery, 1992) in which a female
to male identical twin pair was discordant for transsexuality. Another study
showed (Buhrich et al., 1991) that 3/4 identical twins were discordant.
These are very small samples, but certainly show that in a significant number
of cases transsexuality is enforced neither by genes nor environment.
Neither is the condition unalterable psychologically. Personally known to the
author (who has not sought out such cases) are three males who have decided
they are not after all women in men’s bodies, and have instead cultivated their
masculine side with good success.
The conclusion of the Whitehead essay you posted, then, is forced to the same conclusion that I reach:This shows that gender characteristics apart from the sheerly physical ones are socially constructed and deliberately cultivated. The data also show that homosexuals and transsexuals are within the normal masculine/feminine range of the trait under study, for their gender. Thus, although they are more feminine than average, they are hugely outnumbered by the heterosexuals who are as feminine as they are. Although transsexuals would like to think of themselves as physiologically different, the differences are within the normal range for their sex, and the belief is clearly psychological. (Citations ommitted)(Emphasis added).
* * *
Because I find no contradiction of my previous views in the material reviewed,
I remain of the same opinion expressed above. Viz., gender identity disorder is
a psychological disorder which should be met with sympathy and care, much as depression
is, not gratuitous surgery. I remain open to being pursuaded otherwise, but for
now, I am not.
UPDATE: there's a study to which I've been directed, which can be found
here. I've not yet had
time to read it, but will update again in due course.WallyWorld and free tradePBS' Frontline just ran a marvellous commentary on Wal*Mart and the pernicious effects of free trade with China. As one of their economists noted, "this ruthless trend of lower prices would be marvellous if we were just a nation of consumers - but we're not, we are workers, too". Or, as I've put if before, "every time you see one of those "rollback" stickers, it means another American lost their job".
I actually don't have that much of a problem with Wal*Marts "pushy" business model, my objection is to the influx of low-cost Chinese goods in a manner that can't be competed with by American companies. Competition on a level playing field is always fine; competition from Chinese manufactured - unfairly unencumbered by many restrictions on US manufacturers - and its blessing by the US Governmen is unforgivable. Yet another unfortunate lapse of Clinton's administration that has unfortuntely - if anything - gained momentum under the current administration.
See also my comments here about CAFTA. Chairman DeanAn update
on Chairman Dean's problems: Dean's real problem may not be his mouth but his mind-set. He and his aides
seemed genuinely mystified at the idea that his characterization of the GOP
was a political mistake. But by labeling the other party a bastion of Christianity,
he implied that his own was something elsesomething determinedly secular
at a time when Dean's stated aim is to win the hearts of middle-class
white Southerners, many of whom are evangelicals.
In a country where in excess of 90% of the population identify themselves as Christians,
one is reminded of Ronald Reagan's cautionary aphorism that one does not build
a majority by looking for groups to alienate. This is particularly true when there
is no inherent reason, in my view, why Christianity (or, at least, the lanaguage
thereof) must be the exclusive turf of the GOP.
I predicted (in writing, no less, although not on LJ) back when Dean was denied
the nomination last year that if Kerry subsequently lost the election, the Dems
would have themselves a nice little civil war while they tried to figure out
their way back from the political wilderness. Part of that civil war would be
the activist base - which is the "anti-war, anything goes, atheist"
wing - vs. the moderate (i.e., secular rather than atheist, sceptical rather
than angry, cautious) wing of the party. It seems to me that the activist side
is winning, and I don't think that's helpfull for them. I have to say that I
liked Governor Dean - the moderate, fiscally conservative Governor Dean - a
lot better than I liked the candidate who figured out that the louder, more
objectionable and more anti-war he got, the more people cheered and gave cash.
Unfortunately, it is the latter Dean who the DNC elected as its Chairman, and
ironically, while it seems that it's Candidate Dean the dem base wants, it's
Governor Dean that the dem party needs to get back into serious contention.
On the other hand, I may yet end up eating my words:
http://www.rasmussenreports.com/2005/Election%202008%20Generic.htm
Lastly, I'm currently in the process of tidying up some code for v1.0 (yes,
that's a REAL version 1.0!)of the blog software I've been working on, at which
point, much of the political content from this blog may transfer over to my
own site. Anyone who wants to know more (which is likely only Rob), let me know.CAFTA passes US SenateJust a quick update; the Senate voted
54-45 to pass
CAFTA. Sen. Olympia Snowe joined 12 Republicans in voting "no".
Major kudos - albeit belatedly - to Sens. Burns, Collins, Craig, Crapo, Enzi,
Graham, Shelby, Specter, Snowe, Thomas, Thune and Vitter. If any one of these
folks represent you, your Senator is earning their keep.
See previous entry 6/10/2005
and recent comments at Centerfields. CAFTA againhttp://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml?type=politicsNews&storyID=8759736
There is a chance - a very, very slim chance - that CAFTA could be beaten. Not
only is it some 30-40 votes short in the House, but, although it is likely to
be confirmed if it reaches the full Senate, it is possible - very unlikely, but
possible - that, because of the membership of the Senate Finance Committee, that
the bill could be strangled in the Finance Committee. The hearing is on Tuesday.
www.capitolhearings.org
See further comments I made on Centerfields: http://www.centristcoalition.com/blog/archives/002202.html
Pat Buchanan on CAFTA:
http://amconmag.com/2005_05_09/buchanan.html More on the EU constitution's ratification failureWhat an astonishing comment by Jack Straw: In an emergency statement to MPs in the Commons, Mr Straw said: "Until the consequences of France and the Netherlands being unable to ratify the treaty are clarified, it would not in our judgment now be sensible to set a date for second reading." France and the Netherlands were not "unable to ratify the treaty", France and the Netherlands REJECTED the treaty. Referendums were held, lest it have escaped Jack's notice, in which the French and Dutch rejected this inartfull excuse for a constitution.
What's most interesting is the attitude revealed by Straw's likely subconscious parsing of "France" in substitute for "the French" and "the Netherlands" in substitute for "the Dutch". If by "France" and "The Netherlands" Straw means "the French Government" and "the Dutch Government", then who does he think is restraining France and Holland, other than the French and the Dutch people? The US Constitution begins "we the people"; the cheerleaders for the EU constitution seem - as Straw's ludicrous comment makes clear - to belive in ratification "in spite of the people".The chief, and possible next chiefUSA Today carries a fascinating AP story today profiling Chief Justice Rehnquist, who is expected to retire at the end of the term. The latter story, incidentally, tips Judge Michael McConnell as a possible successor. SCOTUS will hear abortion caseReported today in The Washington Post, and as previously reported on SCOTUSblog, the Supreme Court will "consider whether laws requiring parental notification before a minor can get an abortion must make an explicit exception when the minor's health is at stake. More broadly, the case concerns the standard to be used by courts when reviewing the constitutionality of abortion laws."
The opinion of the 1st Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals in this case can be found here (PDF format). Pat Buchanan and filibustersI originally wrote this as a reply to Empresskara, who posted some comments from Pat Buchanan over the judicial battle, but alas: my "comment of 6413 characters exceeds the maximum character length of 4300". So it's going to have to be a (semi) full-fledged post here.
I dissent strongly from Pat on this point, both procedurally - q.v. my comments 2005-05-03 - and substantively. See brief comments 2005-03-25 and even briefer, 2005-03-31. I did write at more length about this, but it looks like I never got around to posting it, so I'll have to try to search that commentary out. I also previously posted a link to Buchanan's contemporaneous comments regarding Terri Schaivo, viz.: ...Conservatives are hypocrites, they charge. The Right opposes judicial activism and preaches states' rights. But in Terri's case, the Right clamored for judicial activism and rejected states' rights.
But this is absurd. The judicial activist in Terri's case is Greer, who sentenced a brain-damaged woman to death by starvation and dehydration. If this is not judicial activism, in violation of a citizen's right to life, due process of law, and not to be subjected to cruel and unusual punishment, what is? I Since Kara noted that I've written in support of Buchanan's ideas before, let me begin by explaining how I view Pat Buchanan: I broadly agree with Pat on immigration and trade policy. See, e.g., his excellent article No Nationalists on Kemp's Shining Hill, 8-2-2004; cf. my very brash and youthfull comments from last January - I laughed out loud reading this comment again after a year, at how much my writing has, ahem, grown). However, I disagree just as strongly with him over Iraq - his book A Nation Not an Empire makes a very compelling case for why Bush's post-9/11 change to a more neoconservative foreign policy is an aberration, understood in context of America's historic foreign policy, but neither that book nor any of his magazine's articles convince me that this change is anything other than a long-overdue and necessary course correction; cf. Robert Kagan, Of Paradise and Power; Richard Perle, An End to Evil - and on many aspects of social policy, e.g. his views on gays (i.e. homophobia) and, evidently (and surprisingly) his views of the judicial process.
I said "surprising" above, incidentally, because what's truly surprising is that it is the neoconservatives - a group that Pat Buchanan has routinely savaged - who are the most active advocates for using liberal methods - judicial activism, the welfare state et al; q.v. Irwin Steltzer, introductory essay to The Neocon Reader - to their own ends, while it seems to my mind that it is paleoconservatives (of which Buchanan is one) who are more generally associated with strict constructionism, "traditional" conservatism, and GOP-style libertarianism, although Buchanan's American Conservative magazine frequently includes articles which lean decidedly towards "social conservatism", or the "theocons" if you will. Perhaps I have simply misunderstood the term "paleocon".
II Anyway, on with the show. As I previously wrote - see comments, 2005-04-06 - the role of the Judge, and of the Supreme Court, is to divine how the actual text of the Constitution applies to individual cases. It is absolutely not for the Judge to impute new meaning into the text, to make it better comport with their "own concept of what is fair, decent, and right", as Justice Hugo Black put it (In re Winship, 397 U.S. 358 (1970)), or as Justice George Sutherland put it, "the judicial function is that of interpretation; it does not include the power of [Constitutional] amendment under the guise of interpretation". (West Coast Hotel v. Parrish, 300 U.S. 379 (1937)).
The Constitution, properly (as I see it) understood, is a legal contract between two parties: the American people and their government; it sets forth what government may and may not do. Like any other legal document, the constitution says some things, and doesn't say others, and like any other legal document, if the meaning of that document is yielded by one party to be indefinitely malleable, then it will become no restraint whatsoever on the other. No matter how morally wrong what happened to Terri Schaivo may or may not have been, no matter whether you do or do not feel that the judicial process failed her / her parents / her husband (delete as applicable), no matter any of these things, what was done was legal and constitutional. If you don't agree with what the law says, change the law. If you feel that a right is so important that it should be constitutionally protected, pass and amendment. Executing a retarded minor for murder may be wrong; it may be very stupid. But it is not unconstitutional. Starving a brain-damaged woman to death may be morally wrong; it may be very stupid. But it, too, is not unconstitutional. Terri Schaivo was entitled to the due process of law; she received it, and conservatives who cheered Justice Scalia's dissent in Roper v. Simmons cannot possibly now turn around and criticize the result of Schaivo.
Dissenting in Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. 393 (1856) - almost universally drecried as the low-water mark of American jurisprudence, both procedurally and substantively - Justice Benjamin Curtis wrote:
"Whether such decrees are wise or unwise, whether their subjects are citizens or not, if they are usurpation of power, our rights are both infringed and endangered. They are infringed because the power to decide and act is taken away from the people without their consent. They are endangered because in a constitutional government, every usurpation of pwoer dangerously disorders the whole framework of the state." Once you hand over such power to the judicial branch, you effectively make the court system our improper masters - and this is insanity, whether you are right or left, because it means that nothing will ever be non-partisan again. Cf. remarks of Justice Scalia (RealMedia format), 4/23/2005.
To allow the Judge power to legislate - a power specifically reserved by the framers to the Congress - is judicial activism, and it is grossly wrong and foolish, no matter whether pressed into the service of the left - as it frequently is; q.v. Griswold, Roe, Lawrence, Roper, and innumerable others; cf. Editorial, New York Times, 1-26-2005 - or the right, as Pat would have had in Schiavo ex rel Schindler, et al. v. Schiavo, et al..
III To me, what Pat's comments do is to give apt illustration to Andrew Sullivan's excellent recent cover piece in The New Republic, Crisis of Faith, in which he argues that the divisions within the GOP can be broken down into two groups - conservatives of doubt and conservatives of faith - which produces two fundamentally different kinds of Republican: one which wants to wield government as a tool of their agenda, and one of a more libertarian nature which wants to roll back government. Sullivan's conservatives of faith are those who have pushed the "all or nothing" approach to government business, which has brought us to this juncture.
I am of the latter group, and of the Scalia mindset, which holds that the Constitution says certain things and doesn't say others, and no matter how hard I concentrate, no matter how hard I wish for it, new provisions do not appear magically in the text, as they do for Justice Breyer, for example. The Constitution says what it says, and we do not need judges who will abuse their position to support either side's causes - we need judges and Justices who will leave those grand and important public policy debates to the gladiatorial arena across 1st Street from the Court, and who will, in the words of the Oath of a Supreme Court justice, "will administer justice without respect to persons, and do equal right to the poor and to the rich, and that I will faithfully and impartially discharge and perform all the duties incumbent upon me under the Constitution and laws of the United States".RIP "the public interest"Nathan Glazer, writing a farewell address for The Public Interest pulls out a great Irving Kristol quote: "for well over a hundred fifty years now, social critics have been warning us that bourgeois society was living off the accumulated moral capital of traditional religion and traditional moral philosophy, and that once this capital was depleted, bourgeois society would find its legitimacy ever more questionable," This would be a prescient comment if written today, when confronted with the gradually encroaching cleavage of America into two nations under one flag (q.v., e.g., George Lakoff, Moral Politics; John J. Miller, The Unmaking of Americans: Multiculturalism and the Assimilation Ethic; John Sperling, The Great Divide), and its concomitant moral decay (q.v. Tammy Bruce, The Death of Right and Wrong) IMO; that it was written as far back as 1973 perhaps shows why Kristol is so highly regarded for his foresight and clarity of thought. I read his compendium (Neoconservatism: the Autobiography of an Idea) last year and found it a fascinating insight into a philospophy I had previously imagined to be a mere buzzword, but which appears to be well-grounded in intellectual inquiry.
So The Public Interest is no more, but there are many years of well-written insight to go back through.Population heads southwardsI'm sure I've written a little on this subject before, but this fellow has more weight to his opinion: William H. Frey of the Brookings Institute has written a paper called The Electoral College Moves to the Sun Belt, in which he presents statistics and analysis projecting the increasing weight of the sun belt in the House of Representatives and Electoral College over the next thirty years.
While Frey is careful to add corollaries warning that this doesn't necessarily have to be terrible news for the Dems, the LA Times has all but ran up the white flag in a piece titled Democrats Covet the West, but Can't Keep Losing the South new long-term population projections from the Census Bureau show that anyone who believes Democrats can consistently win the White House without puncturing the Republican dominance across the South is just whistling Dixie. The census projections present Democrats with an ominous equation: the South is growing in electoral clout even as the Republican hold on the region solidifies. Ba'Ath party scores London victoryIn a surprise late result, Saddam Hussein's Ba'Ath party scored an electoral victory yesterday, winning the British Parliamentary Constitutency of Bethnal Green & Bow. The victorious candidate, George Galloway, heaped praise on the beloved leader, and attacked the infidels, such as the voters, the returning officer, the elections staff, the local government, and of course, George Bush.
We may comfort ourselves solely with the knowldge that he will be forgotten and ignored. For those who have seen the movie Elizabeth, recall the comments of Sir Francis Walsingham, told by a prisoner hanging in jail, "the people will not forgive this outrage!". Walsingham leans close to the man, and dryly replies, "they will forget".
Mostly, you have to feel terribly, terribly sorry for the poor people of Bethnal Green & Bow, who will now be without adequate representation in Parliament, having picked - by a majority of 823 votes out of over 44,000 cast - a man who never opens his mouth without subtracting from the sum of human knowledge.
4928 LibDem
6244 Conservative
1950 Green
15801 Ba'ath
14978 Labour
http://politics.guardian.co.uk/election/story/0,15803,1477676,00.html Scalia on interpretation of authoritative textsI'm sure I've posted these before, but I've managed to find transcripts to go with them:
Justices Breyer & Scalia on use of foreign law, at American University, 1/13/05:
Transcript Video from C-SPAN
Justice Scalia on Constitutional interpretation, at Woodrow Wilson Center, 3/14/05:
Transcript
Video from C-SPAN
These are in Real format, which means you'll need the free Real Alternative to view it, or you could install RealPlayer if you so wish.
These segments transformed the foundation of my understanding of US Constitutional jurisprudence, in that for the first time, they presented a view of the Constitution which made a lot of sense to me, one which imbued the system with real meaning, one which was consistent with the founding premises of the Constitution. Fascinating stuff. Another good reason not to shut down the SenateHouse passes parental notification bill 270-157 Kevin Smith on "Revenge of the Sith"Spoilers!
See - I told you Lucas wouldn't fuck this one up! :p Today's roundup: the Pope and Howard DeanTwo interesting articles this morning:
US NEWS reports on how different Howard Dean's style as DNC Chair is from his predecessor, Terry McAuliffe: McAuliffe would limo around town, dropping in at the Palm to huddle with Washington big shots. The 2004 presidential hopeful, by contrast, takes the bus or subway, buying his own $1.35 ticket. Sometimes he bums rides from staffers or walks the four blocks to the Capitol for meetings. "Please Call Me Howard" never flies first class and always carries his own bags. Also, TIME Magazine discusses - in the breathlessly hushed whispers of a Le Carre novel - "How Cardinal Razinger became Pope Benedict XVI".The parent demographicTaegan Goddard notes that the Progressive Policy Institute - a Dem think tank - has conducted a study attempting to describe why their party got slaughtered in the "married with children" demographic last year: [L]ast year's presidential election "revealed a striking gap in the political leanings of people who are married with children: They favored the Republican, President George W. Bush, over the Democrat, Sen. John Kerry, by nearly 20 percentage points -- 59 percent to 40 percent."
"But Democrats will not do better with married parents until they recognize one simple truth: Parents have a beef with popular culture. As they see it, the culture is getting ever more violent, materialistic, and misogynistic, and they are losing their ability to protect their kids from morally corrosive images and messages. To be credible, Democrats must acknowledge the legitimacy of parents' beef and make it unmistakably clear that they are on parents' side." It's worth a read, whichever side of the Aisle you're on.Retro America vs. Metro America - why "The Great Divide" got it wrongIn relation to this. Look at the map. President Bush carried the same states as last time. It looks like the only differences on the map will be that Bush will win Iowa and lose New Hampshire, but it's not going to make any odds. The issue is simple: it's the demographics, stupid. The states that Gore and Kerry carried had a net loss of six electoral college votes since 2000; the states that Bush won made a net GAIN of six votes.
Now, my point is this: there's a book written by a democratic contributor called John Sperling called "The Great Divide" that basically says Democrats should abandon the red states as a lost cause - forget retro America and forge ahead in metro America. Sperling argues that this will allow the democrats to win in the medium term. But yesterday proved the fallacy of such a strategy: Bush won on the red states alone. The next Republican candidate can ALSO win on the red states alone. The demographics are trending towards greater representation for the red states, not the blue states.
There's another factor to discuss here. Internal migration into the red states was something I discussed above, as a force that will increase representation for the Red states in the US House, and thus the electoral college. However, there is a break on this process: migration into the red states is dependent upon the necessity of paying work, and good-paying work is supposedly hard to find in those states. But what about retirees? Retirees don't want work - they want lots of land for what money they have, and cheap goods to buy. The great plains states - red states, all - have cheap land, and WalMart has cheap goods. Consider this: we have an aging population, which means that the proportion of retirees to workers is shifting in favour of retirees - and the baby boomers are about to retire. It's very possible that the migration into the red states - and thus the electoral weight of those states - could grow exponentially in the next two generations. Call to boycott GOP donor companiesHow marvellously monotonous! A group called Buy Blue is telling Democrats to boycott companies which donated to Bush's re-election campaign. They even, thoughtfully, provide a list of those companies!
So in other words, my liberal friends, to stop supporting Republicans financially, your mission - should you choose to accept it - is that all you have to do is cease shopping with:
Walmart, Kmart, Circuit City, JC Penney, Sears, Victoria's Secret, Bath & Body Works, Home Depot, Target, Amazon, Dollar General, Guess, Fruit of the Loom, Nike, and Hallmark. You can't eat at Outback, Red Lobster, Olive Garden, KFC, Pizza Hut, Taco Bell, you can't drink most US Domestic beers (Coors, Anheuser Busch) or bourbon (Southern Comfort, Jack Daniels), and you can't fly (every major airline supported Bush) or buy gas (every major oil company supported Bush).
Not included on that list, but almost certinly huge GOP donors are McDonalds, Burger King, every major credit card company...And, well, practically every large retail or manufacturing chain. The good news is that you can still buy Estee Lauder fragrances, provided you don't use a credit card or buy it at any of the places that sell it.
This movement will self destruct upon contact with with reality. Good luck! The fat lady has sungI know I'm reposting stuff I've already posted across several threads, but this isn't just Kerry losing the Presidency, this is an absolutely seismic shift in American politics.
President Bush has kept every state he won last time and gathered a few more, and with far stronger numbers. 11 states have voted to ban gay marriage, by majorities ranging from 2-to-1 to 6-to-1. The Republicans have picked up about 10 seats in the US House, and gone from a one vote majority in the Senate to a five vote majority in the Senate; the Democrat's leader Tom Daschle lost his Senate seat in SD, and Louisiana - which has NEVER elected a Republican senator before - now has one. Indiana has ended 16 years of Democratic governors and state legislatures, and will now have a Republican governor and a Republican regislature. Over the course of the next four years, expect to see the balance in the Supreme Court change fundamentally, too.
Only 17% of voters aged 18-29 bothered to turn out to an election where, as rarely so acutely before, America stood at a crossroads. For better or worse, this isn't just a defeat - this is a rout for the Democrats and everything they stood for in this election.
Democrats are saying that the democrats survived Nixon and they survived Reagan, so they'll survive this. But throughout those administrations, Democrats controlled The US House, and numerous statehouses. This morning, we wake up to the reality that Democrats control no part of the Federal Government, the moderates are leaving the Bush cabinet (specifically, Powell and Ridge), and their control out in the states is now marginal. This is a power shift of absolutely unprecented scope; rarely before has America stood at a crossroads with such very different paths ahead of it and headed down one path with such gusto.
The democrats, as it seems to me, are finished as a serious force in American politics. Turkey mulls criminalizing adulteryStory. Turkey's parliament is debating reforms to the country's penal code which would include making adultery a crime. Many of the reforms - which include outlawing torture and imposing stiffer penalties on human traffickers - have been welcomed by the EU and human rights activists.
But the clause to make adultery a crime has been greeted with dismay by women's groups and liberal commentators who plan to demonstrate outside parliament against the bill.
Details of the anti-adultery legislation have not yet been made public but Justice Minister Cemil Cicek said the measure could only be applied if the spouse complains. If this was being debated as an issue in the US, I would say that I don't necessarily oppose the principle, but that it's utterly unconstitutional, and that, as ever, what we want the Constitution to say must always give way to what the Constitution does say. However, being that it's proposed in Turkey, my main concern would be that it applies equally against men and women, which was the downfall of the previous law on this matter.
One commentator has noted, "Adultery is really a breach of the marital contract, and there's better ways to encourage people to keep their marital vows than by passing criminal laws against adultery", and still others have pointed out that no sexual actions between consenting adults should ever be illegal. I disagree with those views, but as far as they apply to this case, I would say this: an affair isn't sex between two consenting parties, because (one has to assume) the person being cheated on hasn't given their consent. Even if you want to reduce marriage to nothing more than a contract (which I would still disagree with), that contract still involves the pooling of sovereignty between the contracting parties on this issue, and the foregoing of rights to unilaterally and deceptively engage in third-party sex. Thus, to be consensual, all three persons who form the two parties would have to consent.A theory about why America has become so partisan.It's frequently stated that there are now two Americas, each only peripherally cognigent of the other's existance and views. It wasn't like this once, people say; and indeed, watching re-runs of Presidential debates from yesteryear, the point seems to be underlined. While there are probably as many theories as legitimate reasons why, I'd like to offer up a postulate.
The internet, which although it has roots stretching back decades, began to gain popularity with the invention of the web browser in the early 1990s, has revolutionized communications. This revolution does not just extend to our practice of communications; by expanding the possiblities available to us, the internet has expanded our expectations and ambitions in the realm of communication.
In the past, people who wanted to discuss politics we pretty much stuck with debating primarily the people around them in their community. This meant, to a great extent, you had to work with what you had; often, this would not have included people who mainly agreed with you. In such an environment, skills such as oratory, compromise and debate flourish, out of necessity. The community provides a crucible in whicih the more extreme, nonsensical or purely ideological ideas were burned out of potential politicians, and the politicians that emerged were therefore less deeply partisan, less deeply buried in ideology, and better able to work in a mindset conducive to bipartisan co-operation.
The internet, however, represents the triumph of affinity over geography. People now are not only able to, but expect to, converse primarily with people who hold similar views to their own. An Alaskan or Hoosier democrat can now converse freely with other democrats, as can a Chicagoan Republican. In this way, the public discourse (and resulting mindset) of today's potential politicians is very different to those of yesteryear. This division is closely represented in the ghettoization of the US House, where redistricting has virtually overwritten geography; Congressional Districts that might once have contained many diverse opinions have simply had their borders changed to include fewer dissenting voices, creating safe seats for each party. The two sides have dug in for a long war; once again, something that begins as an idea becomes a mindset, which - if held by sufficiently powerfull people - can be forcibly imposed on reality.
I make no claim that this is the sole cause of deepening partisan division in America; George Lakoff has made some hugely valid points about the failure of Repulbicans and Democrats to understand on a basic level the language spoken by their opposite numbers, and this can only have a detrimental effect on political discourse. But I think this posit is an interesting thought. Moby explains politics"you know what politics is/are like in the united states? It's like pop-music. Example a: pop-music. republicans are like ashley simpson, and democrats are like radiohead. radiohead fans will forever be mystified as to why someone would buy an ashley simpson cd, but ashley simpson's handlers/managers understand what the lowest common denominator are looking for and they give it to them. radiohead fans think 'that disposable pop music is terrible, and someday people will see the error of their ways and buy radiohead cd's instead of ashley simpson cd's', meanwhile ashley simpson and her managers are selling millions of records…
my point? yes, radiohead are better than ashley simpson. The problem with that analogy is that Radiohead haven't made a good record since OK Computer or a great record since The Bends. They're currently a pretentious, washed up bunch of has-beens whose appeal is limited to a very small, yet fanatically loyal core audience, most of whom consider themselves slightly intellectual and superior to the pop music fans. In that manner, I suppose maybe the comparison works out, to a certain extent - but probably not in so flattering a manner to Democrats as Moby had in mind.Newt on how to beat KerryMemo.
There is a temporary narrow partisan division among Americans but there is no narrow values division. On a wide number of issues Americans average about four to one in favor of Center-Right values. In one set of 34 issues the American people averaged 77% on one side and 17% on the other side. [Therefore] the 2004 campaign is actually very simple:
1. Define the Kerry-Edwards ticket as the left and prove that its values and its history make it unacceptable to the vast majority of Americans;
2. Communicate what President Bush and the Republicans have accomplished for the American people despite the bitter opposition of the left;
3. Explain the nature of the terrorist threat against America and the historic and moral importance of President Bush's strategy to defend America, including the decision to liberate Iraq;
4. Communicate what President Bush and the Republicans will accomplish in 2005 for the American people if they are given the opportunity;
5. Use September and October in Congress to demonstrate vividly the difference on core values between the Senate based Kerry-Edwards left and the Republicans and therefore the difference in the future they would create;
6. Focus on this clear choice so the Presidential and Vice Presidential debates will be acts of repeating the clear differences and the historic record;
7. Slow the campaign down to emphasize the big difference, focus on the facts and allow the American people to realize how big their choice is. Britain in Constitutional CrisisStory. The trust question leads to a concern that should transcend left and right. It is far bigger than party politics. Put simply, the country is in the grip of a constitutional crisis. That may sound overheated: there are no judges hanging from lamp-posts, no tanks rolling down Whitehall. Yet the phrase is not mine. It is the word of the hour among that most restrained set - the mandarin class. In the past week, I have heard from three different and wholly credible sources that Britain's senior civil servants, present and former, are shocked at what they see as a gross breakdown in our system of government. The myth of the left's opposition to military interventionStory. A seemingly ceaseless supply of new books and radio talk-show commentary in support of George W. Bush and his foreign policy give the impression that the only controversy in America worth mentioning involves patriotic Bush supporters and knee-jerk opposition to war by liberals.
Two arguments are being made here: that the Iraq War and foreign-policy aggressiveness constitute the self-evidently correct conservative position and that liberals are philosophically and historically squeamish about going to war. The first of these arguments has been addressed at length in these pages. It is the second claim, involving the American Left’s alleged aversion to war, that remains to be overturned, for ever since the Spanish-American War of 1898, leftists have more often than not been at the forefront of calls for American military intervention abroad. CA SC voids gay marriagesStory. The California court sided with Lockyer's arguments, ruling that Newsom's actions would foment legal anarchy and sanction local officials to legislate state law from city halls or county government centers. The Court actually made the right decision, and nobody - pro gay marriage or anti - should object.
They've left the door open for an MA-style ruling saying that the state can't discriminate, thereby allowing the way for the de facto legalization of gay marriage in CA. However, the court COULDN'T let the mayor's actions stand. The mayor broke the law with his actions, and the CASC could not seriously be asked to set a precedent that local government can break and re-write the law as it sees fit. It seems to me - and again, I'm going only on Heather's link - that the court has acted in the only manner it responsibly could, slamming the door on this kind of action, but leaving the door open for a future challenge.
The message from CASC couldn't be clearer: "we aren't against what you're trying to do, but you can't go about it this way". No elected official should ever, ever in my opinion, be allowed to arbitrarily change the scope of their own powers or their terms of office. And that goes to local mayors, State Governors, Congressmen, Presidents, and most particularly, Judges.The free traders vs. the isolationists: Buchanan on the struggle for the GOP's soulNo Nationalists on Kemp’s Shining Hill Since Bush took office, his free-trade policies have produced a net loss of 2.6 million manufacturing jobs, one in every six in the USA. The textile and apparel industries in the Carolinas have been especially hard hit. These jobs have historically been the access ramp to the American Dream for blacks, Hispanics, single moms, and working poor. Is Vernon Robinson wrong to want to stop shipping these jobs off to China? Our open-borders policy is forcing millions of our workers into a Darwinian competition for jobs with desperate immigrant folks willing to work for less than the minimum wage. New words for the modern Business lexiconEssential NEW WORDS FOR 2004 editions of the work-place vocabulary include:
PERCUSSIVE MAINTENANCE
The fine art of whacking the crap out of an electronic device in an attempt to
get it working again.
ADMINISPHERE
The rarefied organisational layers beginning just above the rank and file. Decisions
that fall from the "adminisphere" are often profoundly inappropriate
or irrelevant to the problems they were designed to solve. This is often affiliated
with the dreaded "administrivia" needless paperwork and processes.
BLAMESTORMING
Sitting around in a group, discussing why a deadline was missed or a project failed,
and who was responsible.
TESTICULATING
The practice of waving your arms around while talking utter bollocks.
SEAGULL MANAGER
A manager who flies in, makes a lot of noise, screws everything up, and then leaves.
ASSMOSIS
The process by which people seem to absorb success and advancement by sucking
up to the boss rather than working hard.
SALMON DAY
The experience of spending an entire day swimming upstream only to get screwed
and die at the end.
MOUSE POTATO
The on-line, wired generation's answer to the couch potato.
SITCOMs
Single Income, Two Children, Oppressive Mortgage. What yuppies turn into when
they have children and one of them stops working to stay home with the kids or
start a "home business".
STRESS PUPPY
A person who seems to thrive on being stressed out and whiny.
404
Someone who's clueless. From the World Wide Web error message "404 Not Found,"
meaning that the requested document could not be located.
OHNOSECOND
That minuscule fraction of time in which you realise that you've just made a BIG
mistake (e.g. you've hit 'reply all') and its too late to fix it now. 9/11: Govt. had "a failure of imagination, of capability, of mentality, of credulity"A brief executive summary of the 9/11 Commission's report can be found on the Washington Post's website. Los Alamos computers probe how giant planets formedStory. Nearly five billion years ago, the giant gaseous planets Jupiter and Saturn formed, apparently in radically different ways.
So says a scientist at the University of California's Los Alamos National Laboratory who created exhaustive computer models based on experiments in which the element hydrogen was shocked to pressures nearly as great as those found inside the two planets.
Working with a French colleague, Didier Saumon of Los Alamos' Applied Physics Division created models establishing that heavy elements are concentrated in Saturn's massive core, while those same elements are mixed throughout Jupiter, with very little or no central core at all. The study, published in this week's Astrophysical Journal, showed that refractory elements such as iron, silicon, carbon, nitrogen and oxygen are concentrated in Saturn's core, but are diffused in Jupiter, leading to a hypothesis that they were formed through different processes. Freedland on the Bush Doctrinehttp://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,3604,1250271,00.html Affirmative actionI made various comments clarifying my position on affirmative action in this thread over at Centerfields. See also, entry, 11/15/2004 Question timeGeorge Willhas some questions for Senator Kerry… Au revoir, HowardA sad post-mortem on the Dean Campaign.
I see, in Dean's seemingly doomed bid for the nomination, more and more of my own doomed attempts to convince students that the reason their Union kept sliding further and further into a hole in the ground (literally, as of 2002) was because they kept electing callow idiots, and that if they'd only stop electing callow idiots, then the decline could be halted and reversed. They never did; unable to bear it any longer, I resigned from the Union Council, and watched with quiet satisfaction while the Union collapsed into corruption, ineffectiveness, bankrupcy, and, ultimately, the demolition of its offices. I'm not even sure if it still exists now in any meaningfull sense; in spite of the continual efforts of a minority of dedicated Council members, the voters felt that they knew better, and they got exactly the Union they deserved: corrupt, ineffective, bankrupt, and, ultimately, homeless. The Weekly standard on Bush v. KerryStory. It turns out that it WAS only a matter of time"Polyamorists" want marriage, too.
Polyamorists? You mean bigamists.
Just when you thought the push under the constitutional amendment couldn't get any stronger...If Bush gets elected, expect to see the amendment go out to the States by the middle of next year; if he loses, expect to see it go to the States by the end of the year. This strengthens the hand of the right immensely; they said it was a slippery slope to the end of marriage as we know it, and now it's been demonstrably so. All they need is an amendment defining marriage as the union of one man and one woman, and they will get the support not only of homophobes, but a hugely expanded constituency - myself included - appalled with news like this.The more I think about it, the more wrong it seems. I find this to be a much greater threat to the sanctity of marriage than gay marriage. My personal definition of marriage is best expressed as a monogamous, spiritual and legal union of two people in love; that definition does not preclude gay marriage, but it most certainly precludes multiple-partner marriages.
Two people in love choosing voluntarily to commit their hearts, bodies and lives to one another exlusively, in front of society and in front of whatever higher powers they recognise do not threaten the sanctity of marriage, in my opinion. Marriage is not an exclusively Christian institution, and America is not an exclusively Christian country. While I would not choose homosexuality for myself, I understand that others do, and my own marriage convinces me that I could not withhold from two people in love the joy that I have found in that union. I can understand the desire to be monogamous, the desire to give everything to one partner, even if I choose that partner to be from the traditional gender. But multiple-partner marriages, by definition, are not monogamous - and I personally can't even begin to comprehend the value system of people who would choose to take multiple partners.
Many liberals and some conservatives alike say that a person's private life is just that; that it doesn't matter a damn that Clinton cheated on his wife. It does matter. If a person will lie, defraud and abuse the trust of a person they have committed their life to, the suggestion that they are in any other way trustworthy is perverse. I would not hire a man who I know to cheat on his wife; I would not vote for such a man either. Yet these statements rest on the assumption that marriage is a monogamous union between two people in love. That kind of love, in my world, doesn't share.
I hear the live and let live talk, but this orgy marriage idea runs deeply, deeply contrary to ingrained assumptions about the nature of love and marriage. When we learned about Mormons back at school, even back then, I remember thinking very distinctly that Mormons don't love their wives, that they have no concept of what marriage is. I guess you can think of it as a window into how the people who oppose gay marriage feel. Infinite catsThe Infinite Cat Project. Strangest thing ever. "A defence that won't work against a threat that doesn't exist": SDI deployed in AKStory. DELTA JUNCTION, Alaska — As early as this summer, rockets hidden in silos near this wind-swept town will give the nation its first operating defense against intercontinental ballistic missiles since the 1970's. Although the system is not a secret, it has been revived with so little fanfare that few Americans seem to realize it exists.
Among warfare experts, it is reviving the type of bitter debate that began in the cold war, culminating in an antiballistic missile treaty. And it is inspiring the same sort of passion that arose during the national fixation with President Ronald Reagan's Star Wars effort, officially the Strategic Defense Initiative. Unlike Star Wars, which faded into the realm of misbegotten high-tech dreams, the new system relies on agile but fairly ordinary rockets to smash incoming warheads rather than nuclear-powered lasers in space. In the new debate, Pentagon planners see the system as a bulwark against the ultimate calamity, a nuclear attack, while skeptics ridicule it as a defense that will not work against a threat that does not exist.
The decades have not washed away the political dimension of a missile defense, either. Deploying the system will fulfill a campaign pledge by President Bush, as well as a more specific directive, issued in December 2002, that the nation have a functioning missile defense system by this year.
Critics of the system, which will cost $10 billion a year for the next five years and, potentially, hundreds of billions when the full defense envisioned by the Pentagon is installed, say it is being rushed before being fully tested. The critics call it a flawed defense against the ICBM's of yesteryear, not the suicide bombers and hijacked airplanes of the world since Sept. 11. Science and religionI often think, as an agnostic drifting towards deism, when I hear people questioning the existence of God, that I'd like to ask them two questions:
1. Do you understand quantum physics? 2. Do you think that quantum physics requires you to understand it for it to be true?
I don't understand how quantum physics works. Although I can intellectually understand many aspects of the theory from reading about it and doing the maths, I none-the-less can't conceptualize a ten-dimensional universe; I can't visualize how space curves or how time distorts, and I can't concieve of how everything that exists is determined by the direction of spin, and positive or negative electrical charge, of a sub-sub-sub-atomic particle [sic.], the only difference between which is types of vibration of a sub-sub-sub-sub-atomic piece of string. (Refer to Michio Kaku's book Hyperspace or Hawking's popular Brief History of Time for non-scientist-comprehensible details). None-the-less, just because I don't fully understand the theory (in my defence, Heisenberg is quoted as saying that "anybody who claims to understand quantum theory, by definition, does not understand quantum theory"), I don't assume that the theory is wrong. I don't require a theory to be simple to know it's true.
Try to imagine how an ant would try to conceptualize the galaxy - in short, it wouldn't. It couldn't. Human arrogance assumes that human understanding will be sufficient to match the extension of human vision that technology has brought. Also, remember how the mice in the Hitchhiker's Guide to the Galaxy were only the protrusions into three-dimensional space of much bigger ten-dimensional beings. My point is just that there is far more to this universe than we can ever see or will ever understand - and that's even assuming that God is throwing straight dice. Reality is only an illusion - albeit a very persistant one. Democracy now!Story. Kristol & Kagan on the way forward in Iraq. Concept album, ahoy!I'm starting to plan out a concept album at the moment. The central theme is that all power is fleeting and all time is borrowed; those ideas will be fleshed out in four songs, three drawing on history (the French Revolution, the British Empire, and an epic covering the fall of Rome and the preservation of the knowledge of the ancients through the dark ages by the monastaries, as fictionalized by Asimov in the classic Foundation series), and the fourth covering the concept from a more philosophical point of view. Musically, I suppose it will draw on exactly who you'd expect: Simon & Garfunkel, Yes, Genesis, Sky, REM (specifically, AFtP), Pink Floyd, Richard Wright, Roger Waters, Tori Amos, Mike Oldfield, Toto, early Dream Theater (1992-1997), Peter Gabriel (in particular, So), Miles Davis, Benny Goodman, Return to Forever, Hector Berlioz, Antonio Vivaldi, Benjamin Britten, Richard Straus and Gustav Holst. I'm sure other influecnes will work their way in there too, but that's my "inspiration corner".
I've considered myself a reasonably proficient musician for probably five years, having been a student of music (on the piano, and tenor and bass guitars) since I was 6. By comparison to several people making a living from music, I'm very proficient; by comparison to many others, I'm laughably bad. So I like to think of myself as okay - but for me, actually writing music has always been very, very difficult. Fortunately, we're now at a point where the technology is available for me to be able to piece together and record ideas fairly easily, and so it becomes a matter of creating a conceptual framework, mapping the flow of ideas and moods in a piece, and then writing the music to that map. In many ways, it's more like writing a soundtrack than what most people would picture as "writing songs" (I can hear fans of punk music or metal recoiling in horror to the idea of writing a concept album about the sack of Rome, where the ideas and lyrics at least partially predate and determine the musical content), but unless I want to play nothing but improvised melodies and grooves over and behind other people's compositions (which is fun, but unsatisfying), it's the only way I can do that.
The older I get, the less interested I am in music that isn't about anything.
When it's done, I'm going to need someone to do the sleeve art. Guess which forum I come to first for that. (Although, I should add, that the brief will be real simple: I don't care what media you use, paint, photos, whatever; but if it looks like it's ever been near photoshop or any other computer art program, it'll be rejected out of turn. I'm so incredibly sick of modern sleeve art and CGI, so I want a sleeve that is organic and real and reflects the artist's visual take on the themes I'm exlporing musically). Tushnet on TribeMarvellous quote from Mark Tushnet: So, to quote Justice Jackson, "Baron Bramwell extricated himself from a somewhat similar embarrassment by saying, 'The matter does not appear to me now as it appears to have appeared to me then.' . . . But an escape less self-depreciating was taken by Lord Westbury, who, it is said, rebuffed a barrister's reliance upon an earlier opinion of his Lordship: 'I can only say that I am amazed that a man of my intelligence should have been guilty of giving such an opinion.' If there are other ways of gracefully and good naturedly surrendering former views to a better considered position, I invoke them all.") Continuity of Representation act - what's wrong with the bill now, and how to fix itThe House is discussing amendments on this bill right now, for those who have CSPAN.
This bill considers the effect of a terrorist strike that wipes out 100+ members of the US House of Representatives, of precisely the sort envisioned by Tom Clancy in his book Debt of Honour, and of precisely the sort envisioned by Osama bin Laden in his terrorist strike September 11th 2001. It considers what should happen to re-constitute the House; while vacancies in the Senate may be filled by the governors of the States which those Senators represent, there is as yet no parallel mechanism in the House.
The bill states that when the Speaker determines that there are 100+ vacancies in the House, each State will hold a special election within 45 days.
There are two major problems with this bill: 1. What happens if the whole House is meeting, and the entire House - including the Speaker - are wiped out? 2. What happens if not just 100 members are lost, but enough that the House is no longer able to make a quorum?
The second problem is the most concerning. In that scenario, the Congress would be shut down for at least 45 days. Any response to an action that wiped out the Congress would likely need to be beginning within 45 days, which would put immense pressure on any President to take action. With no congress, those actions could only ever be extra-Constitutional. That's a dangerous idea.
A far better proposal would be that in an emergency where more than 100 vacancies arose in the House as a result of a single event, as certified by the Chief Justices of one-third of the States, the mechanism for a 60-day election be put into place, with the vacancies in the House and Senate being filled by the governors of those States with persons who will not be elligible in the election, for an interim period until the election is held. In this manner, the US Congress could be re-constituted within 8 hours, and the mechanism for certifying such a vacancy is formally put in the hands of people who are never likely to be in close physical proximity to the event they are supposed to certify.
Lastly, pause briefly to consider a successfull strike on the Capitol during the State of the Union address. Under this proposal, not only would the government be in the hands of a minor cabinet member (the President, Vice President and Speaker all being dead), but that unlected President would have no Congress for 45 days. Can you imagine what Donald Rumsfeld could do with 45 days as the President of the USA, with a broad need to extra-Constitutional activity? The PledgeI read a comment from someone who thought it "really weird for masses of people to pledge their allegiance to a piece of fabric".
...And to the Republic to which it stands.
One pledges allegiance to one's country....It's a civic duty. The Pledge is not simply an affirmation of loyalty to the government of the day, but rather a solemn pledge to honour and defend the idea of America against all enemies, foreign and domestic. To honour and defend that nation that allows you to have all the rights and priveleges that most people (let alone schoolchildren) now feel are innate, and yet are denied to the vast majority of the human race.
We hear so much of rights in America. The pledge is affirming the execution of one of the duties that goes hand in hand with those rights.
Blind faith in one's government is unwise - and if the Founding Fathers had blind faith in their government, we probably wouldn't have those rights. But it's important to never lose sight that it is under that flag, and in the name of the Republic for which it stands, our rights and priveleges were paid for in the blood and sweat of our forefathers. NAFTA tribunals "override US and State Supreme Courts"Story. ...Tribunals like the one that ruled on the Massachusetts case were created by the North American Free Trade Agreement, and they have heard two challenges to American court judgments. In the other, the tribunal declared a Mississippi court's judgment at odds with international law, leaving the United States government potentially liable for hundreds of millions of dollars.
Any Canadian or Mexican business that contends it has been treated unjustly by the American judicial system can file a similar claim. American businesses with similar complaints about Canadian or Mexican court judgments can do the same. Under the Nafta agreement the government whose court system is challenged is responsible for awards by the tribunals.
"This is the biggest threat to United States judicial independence that no one has heard of and even fewer people understand," said John D. Echeverria, a law professor at Georgetown University. See also, The jobs crisis and the GOP, 3/12/2004; "Suicide by free trade", 4/6/2004.Nader bashing: for fun and profitI wanted to rail against Nader's candidacy again. See also entry 2/23/2004.
Either Nader is an idiot, and doesn't understand those consequences - viz., that his presence on the ballot can only harm the chances of ousting Bush - or else he knows exactly what he's doing, in which case he's a Bush supporter. There is a third possibility: he's embracing the left, with explosives strapped to his chest, and saying "do what I say or I'll doom us both". When the democrats refused to flinch in 2000, he doomed us to four years of Bush. Now he threatens to do it again in 2004. At best, he is an idiot, at worst he is an agent provocteur, and most likely, he is a deeply selfish, vain and irresponsible man, who would rather see another four years of Bush than see himself drop off the political radar.
His candidacy will achieve nothing for the causes he claims to support. If Ralph Nader wants to do something, he can cut a deal with Kerry, on Kerry's terms, and work as hard as he can to ensure that it is Kerry and not Bush who stands on the capitol steps next January. Governor Dean, a man with a lot more to respect about him than Nader could dream of, has swallowed his ego, and has committed himself to job one: getting rid of Bush. It's about time Nader and his supporters dropped their conceits and did the same thing.
From our friend Steve: And remember, guys: bashing Nader this year will backfire just like it did in 2000. Kerry and his supporters need to provide POSITIVE reasons for progressives to get behind Kerry. How about because it's POSITIVEly nuts to split the vote again when it'll be a close election, and when the consequences of re-electing President Bush will be POSTIVEly disastrous for the programs that Nader supporters and sympathisers want to see in place? How about because it's POSITIVEly certain that Kerry is going to be more sympathetic to the left's cause than President Bush will be? How about because it's POSITIVEly nuts to think that Nader can have anything other than a detrimental effect on Kerry's chances of getting elected?
How about because no third party has ever made headway in the United States, and never will until they start at grassroots and build support in first State legislatures, and then in Congress, before going for the big and glitzy (but ultimately, tokenistic and unattainable) goal of the White House.
In the context of the wider debate, I understand the desire to register a protest, but if you oppose the GOP agenda - and I don't, for the record - now is certainly not the time, and nether was 2000. Furthermore, these repeated attempts at getting the White House reveal a lack of understanding that the only way a third party will get anywhere in this country is over a long period of time and starting at grassroots. That doesn't fit Nader's profile, because he's more interested in making a big splash, no matter the cost, and isn't interested in plans that will only bear fruit long after his career is over. Choose one: start a third-party movement that will take deccades to come to fruition, if it ever does, or join a major party and carve out your own space within it.
Choose to work within the system, or the system will choose to ignore you.Research student looking for views on war as a tool of international diplomacyThis was posted on a forum I go to, some people may feel like contributing.
In response to the final question - an open "write in your own views on the use of war in international diplomacy" - I had to answer: The Declaration of Independence declares certain truths to be self-evident: "that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness". Yet, four-fifths of the world do not enjoy these "self-evident" rights. In my view, we should seek to extend, to those who lack those rights, those same rights, choices and liberties as we are so fortunate as to enjoy. At times, that will involve armed intervention, and that is a regrettable - but neccessary - consequence of a firm belief in the supremacy of liberty. Oh good Lord…Slave descendants to sue Lloyd's Why Sun threw in the towel in Mankind vs. MicrosoftStory. Principles are fine things to have, but only if you can afford them. With its stock declared a 'junk bond' and finishing a terrible quarter, Silicon Valley's leading Microsoft antagonist Sun Microsystems has now decided it can't.
The news will have surprised the company's lawyers, who only this week were girding themselves for the next round of litigation. It appears that for almost $2 billion, Microsoft has bought its way out of a lot of trouble. In truth however, both parties realized that the EU decision, which is still pending appeal, was a watershed. Microsoft doesn't have any more nasty surprises to face from the US, EU or States, and Sun realized that it couldn't push any more severe penalties out of the process. What could Sun achieve by proceeding with its 2002 lawsuit? The lawsuit asked for $1 billion in damages; today's settlement yields Sun $700 million for antitrust issues - less than what it wanted - and a further $1,250 million covering patent royalties - which is more than what it wanted... "Suicide by free trade"From Pat Buchanan: Both candidates and both parties seem clueless about what is going on and what to do about it. For Bush Republicans and Kerry Democrats both backed NAFTA, GATT, the WTO, and MFN for China. There is this difference, however. Republicans are principled free traders, while the Democratic Party, as a wag put it a while ago, is simply a gathering of warring tribes that have come together in the anticipation of common plunder.
...If the GOP persists in this free-trade fanaticism, it is courting suicide. For the policy is not working in the eyes of the people. And if Republicans insist the returns from global free trade—a disintegrating dollar and a merchandise trade deficit of $550 billion a year and rising—are good for America, folks are going to conclude that Republicans are too out of it to govern. Trouble down't Hill: Congress Giving Up Its CloutRobert Kaiser discusses the continuing transfer of power out of the legislative branch. The jobs crisis and the GOPFrom the pen of Pat Buchanan: President Bush and his advisers are puzzled and worried. Economic liftoff took place right on schedule in July when the tax cuts took effect. In the last six months of 2003, the economy blazed along on a growth path of 6 percent. But where are the jobs? The discomfort of strangersInteresting essay in the Guardian from David Goodhart. ...In the rhetoric of the modern liberal state, the glue of ethnicity ("people who look and talk like us") has been replaced with the glue of values ("people who think and behave like us"). But British values grow, in part, out of a specific history and even geography. Too rapid a change in the make-up of a community not only changes the present, it also, potentially, changes our link with the past. As Bob Rowthorn wrotein Prospect in February 2003, we may lose a sense of responsibility for our own history - the good things as well as the shameful things in it - if too many citizens no longer identify with it... Looks like Nader's in for 2004As posited by a Daily Standard article that could hardly contain their sense of joy, Nader 2004 may be a presidential campaign run entirely out of spite.
Nader, on the other hand, either has learned a very imortant lesson, or else he's learned nothing. Neither possiblity speaks well of him. Either he learned that, by threatening to run in 2004, he can seek to control the democratic agenda, invoking the spectre of four more years in the wilderness; or, he doesn't understand how necessary it is that this is a two-horse race. One possiblity paints him as duplicitous and opportunistic, the other paints him as selfish and foolish. Neither option speaks highly of him. About Benedict XVI and conservative viewsThis post - and some of the comments - are reproduced from something I posted on a message board, and subsequent discussions.
Disclaimer: I'm not a Christian, I'm somewhere on the skeptical side of deism at this point.
I have to admit that I'm baffled when people say things like "I'm a Roman Catholic, but I disagree with the Vatican on points x, y and z". If you disagree with the Catholic church, how are you a Catholic?
If you challenged the Pope to justify why he holds the views that he does on homosexuality, abortion, birth control and so on, I'm willing to bet that he could give you a lengthy essay on precisely why, peppered with references to scripture. Yet, when you challenge those people who disagree with his views, or object to his "conservatism", those people rarely (if ever) attempt to refute his textual arguments, or explain how he's misreading scripture - they simply contend that the church's morality should more closely resemble their views, without any reference to scripture. By implication, it seems to me, they contend that the church should be based not upon the text of the Bible, but rather - cue Antonin Scalia impression - upon "society's evolving standard of decency".
Any authoritative text - whether it's the Bible or the United States Constitution - has to be understood to mean what it meant when it was written. If it isn't interpreted that way, then ipso facto, it isn't authoritative. "Society's evolving standard of decency" is of no relevance whatsoever; the only variables are our understanding of the original intent of text, informed by the context in which it was written, and how the text can be reasonably interpreted to apply to contigencies which it does not take into account. The context has been obscured by the passage of time, but the meaning does not change per the same; it means today what it was understood to mean at that time.
In order to dispute the views of the Pope - a man who has spent a lifetime studying the text and context of the Bible - it is incumbent upon you to demonstrate why the interpretation or translation of the text on which he bases his views is wrong, that this isn't what the Bible says. If you can't do that, or if the basis for your argument is anything other than the text itself, your argument is on very, very shaky ground.
I don't agree with the new Pope's views - or those of the old one, for that matter - on homosexuality or bith control any more than most my friends on the other side of the aisle do. Solution? I don't become or claim to be a Catholic! Being a member of a religion, to my mind, is not like being a member of a political party. You don't get to pick and choose which sections of the New Covenant you like; this isn't Burger King, you can't "have it your way" - you either accept it in toto or reject it in toto.
Lest it seem that I'm horribly cold-hearted about this, the truth is that I do feel for those people who find it difficult to reconcile their social and political views against their purported religious beliefs - but the church can only stretch so far. Dogma can be challenged, biblical interpretation can be challenged, but at the end of the day, the definition of a catholic is someone who is a member of the catholic church; to be a member of the catholic church, you have to accept the teachings of the catholic church. If you're a Christian who doesn't, then - by definition, it seems to me - you're not a catholic - you're a protestant.
The bottom line is - the church does not dictate policy to God, neither does Pat Robertson or Al Sharpton, and most certianly, neither do you or I. If you think the Church's teachings are heretical, if you believe that they are a departure from the expressed and implied message and teachings of Jesus Christ, then you need to demonstrate that, textually, and if you can't do so, you should find another church. Ahem. There is another alternative, which is of course that maybe you accept that what the church teaches is in fact accurate to the expressed and implied message and teachings of Jesus Christ, but you simply disagree with those teachings. And if that's the case, I think you are occupying territory that is very, very tough to defend. The new Pope isn't shy to speak his mindStory. Last summer, Ratzinger entered an argument among U.S. bishops about whether Catholic politicians -- such as Sen. John F. Kerry (D-Mass.), then running for president -- should be denied Holy Communion because of their support for abortion rights. "Consistently campaigning and voting for permissive abortion and euthanasia laws" was a "grave sin" that must disqualify a Catholic from receiving the sacrament, Ratzinger wrote, and so is voting for such a politician out of support for abortion rights. One thing I find interesting is the article's use of quote marks...I'd be interested to see the whole passage, in context, although I don't doubt that the Post isn't far off in its description, and I imagine the new Pope would wear those comments as a badge of pride. I say that because virtually all the people criticising his selection are complaining that he's too much of a traditionalist, while most of the laudatory comments I've read about his selection praise his traditionalism. There seems to be broad consensus that he's a traditionalist, for better or worse, and thus the above remarks would certainly be consistent.
This also from Reuters:
StoryBOSTON (Reuters) - Liberal U.S. Catholics on Tuesday expressed dismay at the choice of a conservative new pope and doubted he will heal an institution racked by disillusionment and tarnished by a sex abuse scandal among the clergy.
The election of Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger as Pope Benedict XVI rankled those who advocate married priests, a bigger role for women within the church and softening its policy on homosexuality, birth control, euthanasia and abortion. As with the interpretation of the US constitution, I'm an originalist on these matters (see also, entry 4/6/2005). The meaning of the text does not evolve or change; the convenant means what it meant when it was written under divine inspiration. God's message isunchanging, and it's often demonstrated (or could be argued) that he fits the way the message is told to the context of the time. Which means that to understand the message, you have to look at the text and the context. The subsequent passage of time does not change the message, only obscures the context around the text. The search to reform the church and its policy must be based on what is in the text, on finding a better understanding of what it meant when written, otherwise it's mere (and arrogant) dogma.
I just don't believe that one can pick and choose which parts of the covenant one adopts, which is why I personally adopt none of it (or rather, why I claim to adopt none of it; I try, of course, to adopt some of it, but to call myself a Christian, to my mind, would be a grave insult to those who do accept the covenant. You can't be one-foot-in, one-foot-out of this deal). I can't (yet) square my interpretation of the text with my view on what's morally right, so I can't in good conscience sign up to that. Which sucks, but I am handcuffed by my worldview.
For example, I would love if Ephesians 5:22-24 could magically cease to exist - but it obstinately remains in existance. I can't simply delete it from the text for my comfort. The reality seems to remain that although context (and subsequent verses) seem to... Ah.. Shall we say, mitigate those verses, the text itself appears to categorically place women as a subjacent vassal to her husband. I will never accept that; I'd love to find context which shows that the text, in context, does not mean what it appears to mean prima facie - but if that's what it means, if that's the price of entry, it's not a price I can pay. You can't destroy discrimination using more discrimination, and you can't save your soul by losing your soul.
I don't know much about Benedict XVI's views, but it seems to me that the Conclave made a good choice. It isn't the church's place to dictate policy to God. If God wants to create a third covenant, that remains his perogative - not mine, not the Vatican's, and not that of people who want an easy way to square their faith with their societal values.FunnyI found this funny and clever...
Ten Reasons Why Gay Marriage is Wrong
1. Homosexuality is not natural. Real Americans always reject unnatural things
like eyeglasses, polyester, and air conditioning.
2. Gay marriage will encourage people to be gay, in the same way that hanging
around tall people will make you tall.
3. Legalizing gay marriage will open the door to all kinds of crazy behavior.
People may even wish to marry their pets because a dog has legal standing and
can sign a marriage contract.
4. Heterosexual marriage has been around a long time and hasn't changed at
all; women are still property, blacks still can't marry whites, and divorce
is still illegal.
5. Straight marriage will be less meaningful if homosexual marriage were
allowed; the sanctity of Brittany Spears' 55-hour just-for-fun marriage would
be destroyed.
6. Heterosexual marriages are valid because they produce children. Homosexual
couples, infertile couples, and old people shouldn't be allowed to marry because
our orphanages aren't full yet, and the world needs more children.
7. Obviously gay parents will raise gay children, since straight parents only
raise straight children.
8. Gay marriage is not supported by religion. In a theocracy like ours, the
values of one religion are imposed on the entire country. That's why we have
only one religion in America.
9. Children can never succeed without a male and a female role model at home.
That's why we as a society expressly forbid single parents to raise children.
10. Gay marriage will change the foundation of society; we could never adapt
to new social norms. Just like we haven't adapted to cars, the service-sector
economy, or longer life spans. Since I have some time…Roper v. SimmonsThis is something I've not really commented on, although I've been stewing about it for a couple of weeks, until I ran into this excellent blog post about it, and I thought I'd repost my reply to the author here. That was an excellent piece...I agree with virtually all of what you said. the underlying problem seems to be this notion of "the living constitution" - an idea supported by Justices like LJ Breyer - and a legal doctrine that Justice Scalia has warned will ultimately rob the Constitution of all meaning.
Like you, I am generally opposed to the execution of minors; I think it's wrong that society allows it to be continued, in any but the most heinous of cases.
But when did something being wrong make it unconstitutional?
This is the key underlying problem with Roper and many of the Court's other recent decisions: their desire to establish new rights has overriden their constitutionally ordained role; they are dreaming new rights into the text which have never been there before. The constitution is not a malleable document through which a lordly government tells us what rights we have; it is the charter through which "we the people" established a mutually agreed delegation of powers to the government. The 8th Amendment does not ban the execution of minors; neither the death penalty or its application to minors was considered "cruel and unusual" in 1791; no amendment has yet been ratified into the constitution which so defines the execution of a minor. Thus, there is no possible grounds to declare the execution of a minor "unconstitutional".
Now, that isn't to say that it's a good thing that it isn't unconstitutional. Maybe it should be. Luckily, the Framers gave us a handy dandy way to change the meaning of the Constitution. That process is spelled out, though, in Article V - not Article III (one could argue that, if the Framers intended the meaning of the Constitution to be updated by the Supreme Court from time to time, why provide a legislature-initiated amendment process at all? Why not just write into article V, "from time-to-time, the Supreme Court will update the Constitution, on examination of the evolving standard of decency in the nation and in foreign case law?" For that matter, why not just grant the court such a duty/power in Article III section 2 - which, of course, they very conspicuously did not). Just as with the 2nd Amendment, if the execution of minors is such a bad thing, if the ownership of assault weapons is such a bad thing, convince enough people and pass a constitutional amendment. Lobby your state legislature to pass a law. But to claim that it's unconstitutional is a nonsense.
I think that the problem is that many people - as a result of the spread of this pernicious doctrine of "the living constitution" are no longer able or willing to accept that just because something is morally repugnant that it can't still be (and isn't) legal and constitutional.
This is not merely legal nitpicking - it's goes to the very heart of what the Constitution means. If the constitution does not mean what it says, if its meaning can be changed through time or circumstances, then we should stop pretending and get rid of it. If the costitution is a "living document", as LJJ Kennedy, Breyer, Ginsburg, Stevens et al contend, then the constitution is moot. It is of no value whatsoever, because the only value of the constitution is that it makes government the servant of the people, rather than their master, by forcing the government to operate under the framework we and our forefathers granted it by ratifying its charter. Government can offer the people revisions to its charter, and the people can accept or reject those amendments per procurationem their State Legislatures - but the day that any branch of government is yielded the authority to redefine its charter, we will take a step towards tyranny. Roper v. Simmons - for all its undeniable good intent - is such a step; it is the court ruling what is moral, not what is legal. And as Justice Scalia noted in his dissent, "the court hereby proclaims itself the sole moral arbiter of the nation". The Founders would be appalled, and it's a mystery why the populus are not. Off sickFelt pretty crummy this morning, went to the doc at lunch...I have strep throat of the infectious variety, so I'm banned from the workplace until weds morning...and the shot they gave me us making me super woosy...And they syringed my ears. Which makes me dizzy...blah… DLC leaders make their bid for Dem party's futureStory. In an attack on the party's dominant left wing, anti-war base, and a warning for new Democratic National Committee Chairman Howard Dean "to do no harm," the centrist-leaning Democratic Leadership Council said it is "a delusion to think that if we just turned out our voters, we could win national elections."
Instead, the DLC called on the party to dramatically change its message to "recapture the muscular progressive internationalism of Roosevelt, Truman and Kennedy and convince voters that national security is our first priority."
"To win back the White House in 2008, our party must change. We must be willing to discard political strategies that may make us feel good but that keep falling short. We must finally reject the false choice between exciting our base and expanding our appeal, because unless we both motivate and persuade, we'll lose every time," said DLC founder Al From and President Bruce Reed in a new manifesto for their party. The fat lady - err...Speaker - sings on Social Security reformWell - maybe, anyway:
Story. As was widely reported yesterday, House Speaker Denny Hastert (R) of Illinois is quoted in the National Journal saying he doesn't believe the Republican Congress will be able to pass a Social Security phase-out bill in 2005.
He says it will have to wait until 2006.
Now, the idea that [supporters of reform] are going to have the fortitude, shall we say, to pass a phase-out bill within six months of an election when they were too scared to do it eighteen months before an election is preposterous.
So what Hastert is saying is that Social Security phase-out is over in the 109th Congress. Mind you, that doesn't mean I think it's over. But that is what he's saying, for all who have ears to hear it. Don't say I didn't tell you so. Still, fans of private accounts can draw some comfort from the fact that this isn't the first time Hastert has excited opponents of change - in the olympiasnowe08 blog a few weeks back we reported Hastert's determination that the Senate would need to pass the reform bill first, and in early February, the Speaker seemed to be jumping onto the "not so fast" bandwagon, joining...Errr...Well, a good percentage of the Congressional Republican Party, if anyone's keeping track. See also, entry 2/21/2005.
So maybe this is too soon to read Social Security its last rites - but I'm getting flashbacks to the Monty Python parrot sketch already.The PopeThere's almost nothing I can say or add to the chorus regarding the death of the Pope, so I'm staying out of it, except for expressing my disgust at the reaction of the New York Times. Howard Dean Enjoyed Minutes 8-10 of “Fifteen Minutes of Fame” Most of AllStory.
MONTPELIER, VT – Current DNC Chief and former Democratic Presidential candidate Howard Dean had a wild ride while trying to reach the White House during the 2004 Democratic primary. It was a roller coaster, filled with peaks and valleys, hills and depressions.
What Governor Dean experienced is what many people call “Fifteen Minutes of Fame,” where a person becomes wildly popular for a very short time, before drifting into oblivion.
“It was nuts,” Governor Dean said. “The first two minutes were a blur – everything happened so fast I couldn’t possibly have absorbed it all.”
Governor Dean said that minutes three, four and five were filled with hard work, and were therefore, less enjoyable. “We were working so hard, I really didn’t enjoy them as much as I should. Sometimes you have to step back and smell the roses. Unfortunately I didn’t do that in minutes three through five.” Sorry, Dean fans - it's still funny, though!Butting heads with Pat BuchananPat Buchanan on Ex Rel. Schaivo "...Conservatives are hypocrites, they charge. The Right opposes judicial activism and preaches states' rights. But in Terri's case, the Right clamored for judicial activism and rejected states' rights.
But this is absurd. The judicial activist in Terri's case is Greer, who sentenced a brain-damaged woman to death by starvation and dehydration. If this is not judicial activism, in violation of a citizen's right to life, due process of law, and not to be subjected to cruel and unusual punishment, what is? See also, entries 3/22/2005 and 3/23/2005.Cracks ahead?I was going to just post the article from the Washington Post which talks about how the GOP is being placed under enormous stress over the President's ludicrous immigration plans ("Operation Roll Out The Welcome Wagon" - q.v. entries 1/27/2004, 12/15/2004 and 3/7/2005), but I also wanted to express my astonishment at a post by another LJ Republican, who argues that "The Republican party has become much more Federal-policy oriented. From No Child Left Behind to potential ammendments, it has left its traditional policy of letting the states solve their own matters. This may not be such a bad thing...The Federal government will continue to become larger, to take more policy away from the states. This does not necessarily have to be a bad thing".
Is it just me, or have certain Republicans gotten drunk on the same federal spending and federal authority that the Democrats imbibed during their long hold of Congress, and now those leaders find that big spending, big government and federal power, which they decried when unable to wield it, are actually kind of neat when pressed into service of our - at least, their - ideals?
When the the heat of the moment fades, and Congress' actions in the Schaivo case are seen in the cold light of retrospect, I think that it's going to be (or should be) even more of a failure point for the GOP as the immigration deabte, because this case pits the party's principles at war with...Its other principles. It pits the party which argues for rule of law and strict constructionism in Constiutional interpretation against the party which wants to save lives at any cost, Constitutional restrictions and the federalism be damned. T-shirt ideasTwo witty t-shirt ideas that a couple of Snowe 08 volunteers threw back and forth:


Really only funny to people who live in Maine, but I like t-shirts that mix wit and politics. 911 services "optional extra" for vonage customersStory.
What. The. Hell. Texas sued Vonage Holdings Corp., the largest provider of Internet-based calling, accusing it of deceptive practices after a customer couldn't reach 911 emergency services using a Vonage connection.
Vonage subscribers Peter and Sosamma John, parents of Joyce John, were shot Feb. 2 in Houston as Joyce John tried to call 911 during a break-in at their home, according to the office of Texas Attorney General Greg Abbott. The parents, who survived their injuries, didn't specifically request 911 services when they signed up. Joyce John, who tried to reach authorities from an upstairs phone when her home was being robbed, received a recording saying that emergency services weren't available from the phone line, the attorney general said.
Abbott, who is seeking $20,000 for each violation, said Vonage's marketing materials don't make it clear that users need to sign up to make 911 calls. Now the appellate court rejects Schaivo appealStory. The ruling drew a similar assessment from congressional leaders, including House Majority Leader Tom DeLay (R-Tex.), the chief backer of the new law. "Congress explicitly provided Terri Schiavo's family recourse to federal court, and this decision is at odds with both the clear intent of Congress and the constitutional rights of a helpless young woman," he said. Seems to me that the clear intent of Congress wasn't to have the Federal Courts review the Schiavo case - it was to have the Federal Courts overturn the previous activities of the Florida State courts and save the life of Terri Schiavo. Except I don't see where in Article 1 Section 8 of the Constitution Congress is authorized to refer specific, named individuals to the Federal Courts, nevermind to invalidate the prioir rulings of a state's court. The original House bill could have cited the General Welfare clause - but that bill failed.
In the words of the Schindler family's lawyer, Congress action - unconstitutional, no matter how honorably motivated - was an "exercise in futility ...a vain and useless act".
##As noted yesterday, the moral issues around this issue are too complex, so I'm sticking with the legal issues, which are at least fairly cut and dried, albeit not entirely black and white.
Judge finds no grounds for intervening in Schaivo CaseStory.
The 14th Amendment requires due process of law; the case was going to turn on whether there had been due process of law; the judge found that due process had been followed. IMO, it became pretty clear which way this was going to go when the Supreme Court refused to take the case last week.
##EDIT: I strictly refuse to take any moral position on this. I have no idea what the right moral answer is. I'm just commenting on the legal (or rather, constitutional) perspective. Now even security will be outsourcedPentagon looks abroad for new military purchases
The Pentagon is increasingly shopping overseas for its weapons, ending a long made-in-America tradition that assured U.S. defense contractors of nearly exclusive sales to their best customer.
The Navy's recent selection of a British-Italian design for the president's next helicopter demonstrated the breadth of the move toward foreign suppliers. The U.S. incumbent, Sikorsky Aircraft Corp., surprisingly lost to an international team led by Lockheed Martin Corp. In another blow to Buy America advocates, the Army will base the design of its newest spy planes on Brazilian-made Embraer jets instead of Georgia-built Gulfstream aircraft.
Some in Congress worry that relying too much on foreign military suppliers would hurt domestic industries and raise national security concerns. They contend that foreign governments could choose to slow or stop production of U.S.-bound products when the Pentagon needs them most.
While critics are concerned that the trend could reduce the already shrinking aerospace workforce, the Pentagon argues that foreign competitors are creating jobs. Last year, EADS NV, Europe's largest defense firm, opened a helicopter plant in Mississippi. Embraer SA of Brazil is leasing a 71,000-square-foot plant in Jacksonville, Fla., to assemble the Army spy planes. Foreign investment in the United States from 2000 to 2003 fell 12 percent, to $566 billion, according to a Pentagon report. But in the same period, foreign investment in the aerospace sector jumped 198 percent, to $3.4 billion. Immigration againIllegal immigration accross America's southern border is increasing: A decade ago, the United States began trying to fortify the border, starting with Operation Gatekeeper in 1994. Since then, U.S. officials have added more patrols, lights and walls every year, especially since the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. Yet instead of stopping illegal immigration, those measures have just made many Mexicans already in the United States stay longer, according to Mexican officials.
U.S. officials made 1.1 million apprehensions along the border last year, a 24 percent increase over the year before. It is unclear whether the rising apprehensions signify that more people are trying to cross or that a greater percentage are being caught. But experts in both countries estimate that perhaps 500,000 or more still make it through each year. The article also makes it pretty clear why the Mexican government has absolutely no intention of doing anything to strangthen border security:Mexican workers in the United States, including millions of illegal immigrants, are vital to the Mexican economy, sending a record $17 billion home last year. And this comes just days after a handfull of Congressional Republicans object that Bush is ignoring direction from Congress to tighten border security:
http://www.cnn.com/2005/ALLPOLITICS/03/03/bush.borders.reut/index.htmlJohn Hostettler (R-Ind.) noted that legislation passed by Congress last year authorized the addition of 10,000 new Border Patrol agents over the next five years.
"I was therefore deeply disappointed that his (Bush's) budget calls for an increase in Border Patrol agents of barely 10 percent of that called for by the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act," the Indiana Republican said. I think the President has been reading biographies of General Jackson again...And good lord, wasn't one enough?
National Review had it called back in December: this is a big deal on which the party and the administration are going in completely different directions.The big tentSomeone asked me to justify why I consider myself a Republican. Here's some thoughts.
The short answer:
Because I believe in limited, constitutional and fiscally responsible government, in personal liberty and individual responsiblity, in a robust foreign policy, and a trade policy which puts American interests ahead of recalcitrant free trade dogma. I believe in a free society of equal opportunities for all, which means (among other things) that affirmative action has to go, and I believe that we have to take necessary, rational steps to safeguard the lives of the unborn.
And I just don't think that the Democratic party is interested in those things.
It's true that I differ from current orthodoxy on a number of policy points - but that can be measured to a great extent by how far the GOP has moved away from Nelson Rockefeller and Margaret Chase Smith. (Although, for the record, I would still consider myself to their right - I feel that I hover, slightly uncomfortably, somewhere between the libertarian, Rockefeller and neocon wings of the party). I think that there are times when government must step in because no other agency can - and the passage of the increase in FCC fines is an example of when the Fed HAS to take steps because someone must and no-one else can or will. Antitrust laws are another example - monopolization is antithetical to the free market. I don't think that a person who resorts to clever legal tricks to justify torture is someone who the Senate should have confirmed as our Attorney-General. I don't think that the way to save social security is to bankrupt the country further. I don't think that the way that Tom runs the House is healthy for the institution of the Congress (we're likely to differ on this, because my first love in politics is the Congress, while I think you hold in in quiet disdain, from your previous postings). But these are not Democratic stances (or, for that matter, Republican stances) - they're simply the conclusions I have to draw from the facts available. As much as I hate to invoke the ghost of Andrew Jackson, we are all charged with interpreting events and doing what we think is right. Going liveThe campaign to draft Olympia Snowe is delighted to announce that, as of this morning, the first edition of our website is now available at www.OlympiaSnowe2008.com.
The campaign, which is not sanctioned by Senator Snowe, aims to encourage the Senator to seek the Republican nomination to be President of the United States in 2008, to promote the Senator and her views, and to build a national base of support for her candidacy. We aim to send out a message of hope to moderate Republicans across the country: we are still a part of this party, and our voice will be heard.
This website is being launched earlier than scheduled, following press coverage in Maine, New Hampshire and Washington DC's National Journal Hotline. Although we will continue to develop the site in the forthcoming weeks, we hope that the site as it stands forms a strong introduction to Senator Snowe, and we encourage comments and views to be sent to feedback@olympiasnowe2008.com. News coverage, nowFrom today's press: There has been plenty of speculation about U.S. Sen. Olympia Snowe forgoing a third term on Capitol Hill to run for the Blaine House in 2006.
But the White House in 2008?
The creator of a new Web site, www.OlympiaSnowe2008.com, is hoping for just that, using the site to build support for an effort to draft Maine's senior senator to run for the Republican presidential nomination in 2008. That would be us! Read more.Interesting siteOMBwatch.
Interesting companion piece to SCOTUSblog and CongressWatch.net, maybe? Washington politicians want to split the statePaging Roger Waters…Story Social Security updateThe Hill reports on the sinking chances of convincing a reluctant Congress to fly in the face of their constituents' views.
In Montana: The state’s member of the House — Rep. Denny Rehberg (R) — praised the president’s “Oprah Winfrey-style” approach to working the crowd. But he said he still wasn’t sold on privatization.
Montana Senator, Conrad Burns (R), said he would “continue to look at” the president’s plan but still had more questions, particularly about how to pay for it. ...a Times reporter asked Burns if he supported the president’s plan. Burns said he was still “crunching numbers” and worrying about the deficit.
To yet another reporter, Burns described himself as “intrigued” by the president’s plan but not ready to sign on. “Social Security is still a very, very important part of the retirement of a lot of seniors in Montana,” he went on to say. “So we’ll listen and we’ll look and we’ll probe ... and see what is in it for the next generation.”
Florida Rep. Ginny Brown-Waite, whose 5th District has more Social Security beneficiaries than any other in the country, relayed to crowds that she told Bush to his face in the limo ride to the event that she wanted to “proceed cautiously” and wasn’t ready to sign on to his plan.
Others from the area are finding more straightforward ways of dealing with President Bush’s plan. According to Wednesday’s Tampa Tribune, Florida Republican Reps. Bill Young, Michael Bilirakis and Mark Foley won’t even return phone calls to talk about the subject.
No wonder Representatives are skittish. Take a look at how Social Security reform polls. Only 29% of over-55s think that it's a good idea; by contrast, 48% (note: STILL less than half) of 18-34 year olds think it's a good idea. Note the demographics of who turns out to vote: the demographic most enthusiastic for Social Security reform accounted for only 17% of those voting in the last election. Of the groups most likely to vote - ages 30-59 - less than half are on board with the President's plan. The reality is that the shoe is on the other foot: the President now needs Congress more than Congress needs him, and if he is determined to impale himself on Social Security, I think he's going to be disappointed if he expects Congress - most of whom want to get re-elected - to jump on the rails with him.
Of course, neither opponents nor supporters of social security reform can take much succor from the polling data, because well over half of respondents (59% to be precise) admitted that they didn't really understand the proposal being put forward by the President. Indeed, so bamboozled are the electorate that 85% of those polled opposed cutting benefits for existing retirees (which is Sen. Snowe's position), but only 43% supported raising payroll taxes. What this boils down to is that that public, by turns, don't fully understand what they're being asked to sign on to, and therefore don't want to break a system that does - at least for the time being - work. This is exactly what Sen. Snowe has said, and it's a responsible position for a conservative and a Senator. Conservatives shouldn't recklessly throw ourselves into uncharted territory of reform and financial overextension until we're sure it's the right way to go, and Senators shouldn't give the slightest credulity to the executive branch's pie in the sky numbers - despite the rantings of the Club for Growth (and you really have to wonder if these people have read the constitution and digested the function of the Senate), Senators are paid to be skeptics. Funny
Regarding Condi RiceThis from a letter I sent out to a couple of newspapers and blogs which ran articles on the gathering "draft Condi" campaign: There have been several comments floating around the media and blogosphere of late, regarding the possible candidacy of Secretary of State Rice in the 2008 election; indeed, Dick Morris, writing for The Hill, called Rice "the woman who may stand between [Hillary] Clinton and the presidency". A handfull of websites - both more and less serious - urging Rice's candidacy have also appeared.
My problem with the Dr. Rice for President sites - and it's exemplified by the www.rice2008.com site - is: where's the policy? What does Dr. Rice think about Social Security reform? Healthcare? Abortion? Free trade? Education? The people who are founding these sites either don't know, or don't care to display it publically. It just feels to me like they're playing the numbers game and nothing else - they see a black, female Republican candidate in the public eye, and that's all they feel that they need to know.
But that isn't enough, and surely we should demand more of a potential candidate - a compelling personal narrative is part of a candidate's package, of course, but it isn't enough in isolation.
I've seen people online frequently advocating Dr. Rice's candidacy, and they always seem so enthusiastic - What exactly about her attracts them to her as a candidate, I ask them? What policies has she advanced that you feel particularly qualifies her for the Presidency? What do you actually know about Dr. Rice's view's on a wide range of important policy issues? What is Dr. Rice's opinion on Social Security reform? On healthcare? What is Dr. Rice's view on the appropriate relationship between the Federal Government and the States? Does she approve of a Presidential line-item veto, or does she favor the supremacy of Congress in the legislative sphere? What is Dr. Rice's opinion about the trade deficit, how it can be reduced, and what is her view on whether the callue of the yuan should be decoupled from that of the dollar? What steps does Dr. Rice offer in terms of the progress of the next generation of environmentally-friendly technology, and the role of the United States in their development? What is Dr. Rice's solution to the problems of public education and the decline of US competetiveness in math and "hard" sciences?
Of course, these are all issues beyond the ambit of the Secretary of State or the National Security Adviser, but they are most certainly within the ambit of the President. So let us turn to matters that are within Dr. Rice's job descriptions. What is Dr. Rice's view on how best to resolve the China/Taiwan situation, and how would she react to a Chinese invasion of Taiwan? What action would a President Rice take should the North Korean government collapse? If such a collapse ocurred, and if China should attempt to annex North Korea, what steps would she take? What is her view on the Cuba trade embargo, and how does she differentiate the trade embargo on communist Cuba from the trade free-for-all with communist China? What is Dr. Rice's view on the development of democracy within Saudi Arabia and its extension in Iran? How should the US seek to foster democratic reform in Africa without appearing high-handed or imperialistic? What are Dr. Rice's top five foreign policy goals during her term?
This is a very short list of extremely relevant questions - and thusfar, none of those advocating Dr. Rice's election have answered them, to my knowledge. The only rationale offered by supporters of Dr. Rice is that Dr. Rice is a black female Republican who is well-qualified to be Secretary of State and who might beat Hillary Clinton in 2008. I support Dr. Rice's elevation to Secretary of State - but to the Presidency?! Neither Dr. Rice nor any of her supporters have yet offered anything that convinces me that she should be given the 2008 nomination.
Now, obviously, these concerns ares exacerbated in my case because I'm (very publically) backing a candidate with an equally compelling story, and lengthy resume which superbly qualifies her for the Presidency, in my view, to back it up, Senator Olympia Snowe. While I play the numbers game too, and I would contend that Sen. Snowe's numbers match and better Dr. Rice's, Sen. Snowe backs up those numbers with three decades of public service, focused on the matters of great national import which a President will need to face.
Myself and a small group of volunteers are working as fast as we can to get the "real" website for Snowe 2008 into production, and it will include a full rundown of Sen. Snowe's views on any given issue. What's interesting to me is that many of the people who will criticize the views of Sen. Snowe that we display on the site will also sing Dr. Rice's praises - but while they will be told where Sen. Snowe stands on a given issue by our site, they will not find a similar explanation of the Secretary of State's views on any given issue on any of the Draft Rice sites.
Will Dr. Rice run? It seems perfectly likely. But my view remains that there is a far better candidate, should she be pursuaded to take the field. Reality TVDidn't I say that it was going to get worse and worse until someone killed themselves live on air? That outcome just got closer. Tim Roemer gets it rightI'm not sure what the source of this quote is, but I believe it's from Tim's remarks in pulling out of the DNC Chair race: "I got into this race five weeks ago to talk about the devastating loss we experienced in November," Roemer said in an interview. "It was not about 60,000 votes in Ohio. It was about losing 97 of the 100 fastest growing counties in the country. If that's a trend in business or politics you're in trouble." I think Tim's exactly on the money. On one level, I am pleased for Howard Dean that he won the Chairmanship, because I think it's got to vindicate him that a year after (in my opinion) the DNC did everything in their power to shipwreck his candidacy, this year they're kissing his ass (something which I predicted would happen in the event of a Kerry failure, even before the nomination eluded Dean), but I don't know how healthy it is for the party. On the other hand, I think that Roemer's analysis is correct, and I think that he may have done a better job than Dean will now do.
I don't doubt that Dean will put everything he has into rebuilding the Democratic party, and I think he may make a lot of headway in rebuilding the grassroots - but what I don't believe that he's going to do is to put the democrats back into shape to win the next election. I say that for two reasons.
First, because he is setting up an intra-party tension - which can only increase - between, on the one hand, the efforts of the likely 2008 nominee candidates (Clinton, Bayh, who knows, maybe even Roemer, etc.) who believe that the party has to come back to the middle to win an election, no matter where the middle may be, and on the other hand, its Chairman and footsoldiers, who want to pull the party away from the center, in the hope that the center will follow. What do we learn about a house divided against itself?
Second, because the conclusion after the 2004 election was that the Democrats did a superb job of getting out the vote; they mobilized a huge number of their core supporters - but it still wasn't enough. Why? One view: a party cannot win exclusively by playing to its base, and it therefore needs to pick up adherents in the undecided pool. If public consensus lies in general sympathy with that party's agenda, though, playing to the base will still pick up enough adherents to win. For fifty years or so, public opinion - the New Deal consensus - helped Democrats in elections and constrained Republican Presidents such as Nixon. However, starting with Goldwater's defeat in '64, the GOP has engaged in a long-term project to move the tone of public debate beyond the New Deal consensus; it seems to me that Democrats understand this shift has happened, on an intellectual level, but reject the practical implications of that shift. If public consensus has now shifted - after three decades of assiduous work by the GOP, its activists and its intellectuals in think tanks - to a consensus much more in sympathy with conservative views, then the center of political gravity has moved. The upshot of this is that playing to their base - Dean's ostensible goal - is not going to win them 2008, or any other election, in my view, because it can only paint ever more starkly the gap between public consensus and the activist base. This, incidentally, is also the reason that it is absolutely imperative that the GOP move back towards the center, with a Snowe or a McCain or suchlike. Politics is the art of the possible, and although the survival of the Democratic party is underwritten by the two party system, its success is not.
As a sidebar, all of this analysis ignores the long-term political impact of internal migration into the red states, something which is going to continue to drive up the GOP's numbers in the House, and will tend to favor GOP Presidents in the College, unless and until the College is supplanted with a direct vote - something unlikely as long as red states hold the keys to that particular kingdom.Stating the blinking obviousStory.
We've finally reached the point at which my brain turns to mush. First, a Republican President and Republican Congress manage to raise the ire of even the Cato institute over its budgeting. Then it manages to raise the ire of the ACU. And now, the Bush administration's budgeting process is even getting laughed at by the neoconservative press, the administration's alleged masters? This is beyond a joke. I'm going to wake up any time now.
What's objectionable to me isn't that the headline ethos is wrong - cut spending, reduce taxes - it's the sheer incoherency of the process. It's the idea that the White House claims to want to cut 150 discretionary spending programs, yet no-one seems to be able to provide a clear list of WHICH programs - even Josh Bolton, who Lord knows should know better than anyone else.
Let us hope that Chairman Lewis and chums are feeling like picking a fight with the White House over this. It all adds up to this ghastly pervading sense that nobody READS these damn documents. The budget is 2500 pages long, and sure, that's a long document - but if the guy who is supposed to sign off on it hasn't READ it, that worries me - because who has?. The only genuinely terrifying thing in Michael Moore's Propaganda 9/11 flick (for the record: he absolutely has the right to make it, and I absolutely have the right to bawl objections at the TV screen watchingit) was the interview with a Dem Congressman who gently condescended that it's a stupid idea to suggest that legislators should read all the legislation they vote on. Oh really? Funny
Chairman Dean, apparentlyLooks like Dean's momentum is now all-but unstoppable to get the DNC chair. Of course, didn't we all say that his momentum was all-but unstoppable before Iowa, this time last year?
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A55389-2005Feb1.htmlOn the other hand, I also predicted, following Dean's failure in Wisconsin, that if Dean was denied the nomination and Kerry lost the election, the Democratic party would fragment into all-out civil warfare between its liberal and moderate wings. I also predicted that, even if denied the nomination, Dean couldn't lose in terms of personal standing, and would do very nicely from his campaign, even if it ultimately faltered. From what I've seen, neither of these predictions were so very wide of the mark. Intolerance from the tolerant partyWith more than a whiff of self-congratulations, Democrats love to call themselves the tolerant party. However, that tolerance has never been extended to the millions of Democrats who hold the pro-life position on abortion.
At the 2004 Republican national convention in New York, featured prime time speaking spots were given to California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger and former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani. Both men are unapologetically pro-choice on abortion. No pro-life Democrat at the party's Boston convention was seen or heard when the cameras were on.
But just maybe, Democratic leaders, after having righteously and tiresomely lectured the GOP to build a "Big Tent" in order to welcome pro-choice members, may actually, themselves, be starting to practice what they have preached. Consider the following items: Read moreUS gives up hunt for Iraqi WMD; Iraq Survey Group pulls outStory.
I supported the war; I supported the war without regard for whether Saddam did or did not have WMD, and truthfully, I don't remember giving much thought to being concerned whether or not Saddam posed a threat to us. The liberation of Iraq was right because it was the right thing to do; that was my position then, and it remains my position now.
I was incorrect, of course, to claim at the time that it made no difference at all what the administration's motives were for going into Iraq; the rationale, I believe now, materially affected the postwar landscape. I've also posted in the past that I think that the Bush administration had many reasons for going into Iraq, but chose to emphasize WMD as the reason most likely to be marketable to the US electorate. That strategy is now in tatters - but of course, as Charles Krauthammer pointed out in Time magazine recently, Bush/Cheney are now unaccoutnable to an electorate which (Newt's predictions r.e. Cheney '08 notwithstanding) neither of them have to face, or be especially concerned with, ever again. New "geek project" for meOne of the projects I've been working on for my employer may have useful applications for a project I'm interested in being part of. My predecessor created a content management system for about a dozen of the sites we host, which enables the customers to add and edit content on their own sites. It's very primitive. I've been developing a content management system that upgrades the existing system, but goes much further - it will allow an administrator to create users with various levels of permissions over groups of pages, such that there can be an administrator who has control over the entire site, and they can define a user or group of users which have control over only a subset of pages. I'm also upgrading the interface substantially so that it functions more like a message board (vbulletin, phpbb, webwiz, snitz, etc.), making it easier for customers who don't know HTML to put together fairly nice-looking sites. This is, in effect, an attempt to give people who don't know anything about web design a better option than frontpage.
Anyway, I've been thinking a lot about a project that I'd be interested in participating in (I'll go so far as to organize it, I'm just not capable of handling the volume of work involved on my own), which is a website that will act as both a watchdog on Congressional activity, and a clearing house for news, analysis and resources relating to the same. I don't think that there's any single website which covers all that ground.
We discussed an idea similar on the forumz just after the election, and so I'm thinking there may be mileage in the project, especially since the content management system I've been developing includes what are essentially group collabortation tools. Interesting project on many levels. ;)
Or, as I'm sure my wife would say, it's just an excuse to be geeky about three subjects at once. ;) Christmas IS ChristmasPerciving themselves as key players in the re-election of President Bush, values voters are pushing a backlash against the secularization of Christmas. What good may come…Of Hillary's ambitions. Story.
Interesting article about how Clinton's desire to outflank the GOP may produce the meaningful reform of borders and illegal immigration that senior Republican leaders have resisted for years (mainly, the author notes, because they want to avoid diminishing support among hispanics). Simon may or may not be okay… | Global Personality Test Results | Stability (36%) moderately low which suggests you are worrying, insecure, emotional, and anxious. Orderliness (46%) medium which suggests you are moderately organized, hard working, and reliable while still remaining flexible, efficient, and fun. Extraversion (43%) moderately low which suggests you are reclusive, quiet, unassertive, and secretive. | Take Free Global Personality Testpersonality tests by similarminds.com
Trait snapshot from the same test: paranoid tendencies, irritable, anxious, fidgety, dependent, worrying, emotionally sensitive, prone to regret, depressed, second guesses self, somewhat fragile, dislikes change, prefers organized to unpredictable, suspicious, phobic, not a risk taker, low self control, very sensitive to criticism, unadventurous, does not make friends easily, defensive, obsessive, low self esteemFunny
The Democrats' Marketing MistakeInteresting article from Trent Wisecup, discussing more possible reasons why the Democrats simply aren't making headway outside of their strongholds in the cities: The Democrats' Marketing Mistake Racism in liberal thoughtSee article. The Peterson VerdictIt sounds like the title of a Robert Ludlum thriller, but to California - where Scot Peterson has been found guilty on BOTH counts of murder: that of his wife...And that of his child. Who was unborn.
As much as there is an immediate human reaction of satisfaction at the verdict, which sees a man who brutally murdered his wife sent to the slammer, those of you on the pro-choice side should actually be looking long and hard at this verdict, because it effectively adds legal precedent to the deployment of Laci & Connor's Law, a piece of legislation which defines a child in utero as a life that can be ended, and defines ending that life as a criminal act separate to the murder of the mother. At the time of the bill's adoption, I pointed out that this was a clever way to change, subtly and slowly, the framing of the abortion debate without using the "A" word: to begin to shift the public consensus in the direction of accepting the child as a separate life. Anyone who thinks that this is paranoia should consider two things: first, that I'm not trying to oppose the measure, and in fact support it. Second, that the right wing is comfortable working in the long-term. After Barry Goldwater's defeat in '64 The Republican Party and its supporters spent over a billion dollars and forty years to fundamentally alter the tone of public debate in America, in order to create a more favourable electoral environment. The payoff came in Reagan's victory in '80, the Contract with America ending forty years of democratic rule in the US House in '94, and and the evisceration of the democratic party last tuesday (something I'll blog about later). My point is this: Laci & Connor's law didn't declare abortion illegal, but its intent and long-term view simply couldn't be clearer.
While this is not the first time someone's been convicted of killing an unborn child, it is as far as I know the first time that someone has been convicted under Federal law - and it sets a precedent for future prosections. The jury obviously accepted the argument that killing an unborn child is murder, otherwise they wouldn't have found him guilty on the second murder charge - and this is in California, "most liberal state in the Union" (TM). Expect the wedge to get fatter as we go.
Lastly, you have to think about something else, too: Peterson will appeal, and that means a Federal Judge will likely rule on this matter. They will almost certainly, of course, uphold the conviction - because what possible grounds could Peterson appeal on? He was convicted reasonably under the terms of Lacy & Connor's law, which leaves him one option: to appeal against the constitutionality of Laci & Connor's law itself. And that's a very, very tenuous argument - which is testament to the care taken in drafting the legislation. It's hard to envisage a result of an appeal other than a written precedent from a Federal Judge that upholds the definition of the killing of an unborn child as murder. Ipswitch discontinue IMAILStory.
Ipswitch are discontinuing Imail!! I don't know exactly how much I can add to Joel's analysis, which is spot-on, beyond the unasked question: who the hell do they think their customer base is?!
Of course, one could argue that this is going to be a good thing, helping the undecided who need a push to jump to a Linux solution. But exactly what that solution is, I'm still undecided on...I know that my former employers have already jumped ship from Imail to a solution built on Postfix, so might have to take a more detailed look-see what they're up to. Kerry campaign sinking by the dayA message posted on Michael Moore's website today advises Kerry supprters to stop being so gloomy - it'll be all right. No, really - it will! The opinion polls are just wrong!
Unfortunately for Mike, he seems to have disregarded he first law of reality, which states that political dogma cannot survive unfavorable contact with experiential reality. As of today's polls, Bush leads Kerry by over a hundred votes in the Electoral College. For those unfamiliar with this site, instead of going for the big headline (yet Constitutionally irrelevant) "national average" polls, it takes the results of respected opinion pollsters, state-by-state, to build a predicted electoral college. By that yardstick, Kerry is going down by the nose; he commands solid support in only eight states to Bush's nineteen.
Put simply, in my view, Kerry must win PA and FL, or he loses the election. Bush currently leads in both. Preparing to feel overwhelmed again.It's that anniversary tommorow. It still feels too close, too real. So real that the news that the Port Authority of New Jersey is taking legal action against Saudi Arabia over the WTC attack seems somehow shocking - although the question has to be asked, if Afghanistan was liberated for providing shelter and traning ground for the 9/11 masterminds, given that virtually all of the hijackers were Saudi, their masters were Saudi and their funds provided by Saudis, and given that Saudi isn't that much better than Iraq in the human rights stakes - can we assume that a campaign to liberate the Kingdom is not far off?
 PhotoMy wife and I, earlier today:
 McDonalds outsources drive-thru guyI swear, the first time I ever went to a Sonic's, I knew this day would come:
McDonalds outsources drive-thru staff
McDonald's franchisees in Cape Girardeau, Mo., Brainerd, Minn., and Norwood, Mass., recently began outsourcing their drive-thru order-taking to a call center in Colorado Springs, Colo. Thus, a Big Mac order shouted into a microphone in Missouri gets typed into a computer in Colorado (and a digital photograph of the customer's car is taken in order to reduce errors) and then clicked back to the originating restaurant's kitchen, which has the order ready in less time (30 seconds less, on average, with fewer errors) than the average McDonald's takes. [International Herald Tribune-New York Times, 7-19-04] Feeling blessedI rang the company that I interviewed with, and they've formally offered me a job.
I just can't begin to describe how blessed I fel right now....The heavens open, and out frops an incredible wife, we find a house that's just right for us the first afternoon we go out looking, I pass my driving test first time with no reservations, and I get offered a job the day after I'm legal to work, based on the only application I sent out.
People spend lifetimes asking for signs. I don't know, but I can't help but wonder... It's not that everything's being given to us on a plate, but we keep being offered opportunities at every turn, and when we take them we're being rewarded. I'm still waiting for the backlash. More on gay marriageOn a couple of the message boards I'm on, people have challenged my interpretation of the constitution that the MA ruling has effectively legalized gay marriage nationwide. And I have to admit that on second reading, I was wrong, although they're not entirely right, either.
One poster in particular notes the second clause of Art.4 Sec.1:
Section 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each state to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other state. And the Congress may by general laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof They then points to US Code, Title 28, Chapter 115, Section 1738C:No State, territory, or possession of the United States, or Indian tribe, shall be required to give effect to any public act, record, or judicial proceeding of any other State, territory, possession, or tribe respecting a relationship between persons of the same sex that is treated as a marriage under the laws of such other State, territory, possession, or tribe, or a right or claim arising from such relationship. Let me first debunk this argument quickly, before I get to the more important issue. In argument, one may abandon reason and appeal to various external factors, including authority. In legal argument, that's virtually required; but this argument commits a logical fallacy by appealing to inferior authority - one can't rebut a constitutional argument by citing a Federal Law, which is necessarily inferior to the Constitution. When two statutes are in conflict, the more recent statute prevails, but the Constitution is a superstatute: it always prevails. See, Antonin Scalia, A Matter of Interpretation. You can refer to other sections of the Constitution, or to a SCOTUS judgement, but never to a law.
In any instance, my interpretation of Art. 4, Sect. 1, is that the second clause (text which is quoted above) gives Congress the right to regulate the format in which the public acts of States are communicated to other States, but not to proscribe their communication, which the law cited does. In my view, this interpretation of the Constitution would rule 28 USC §1738C unconstitutional under the 4th Article and the 9th, 10th and 14th Amendments.
That's the good news for supporters of gay marriage.
The bad news for those advocates is that there's more - and this is the important point, because as I said, goshdarnit, I was wrong previously. Article 4 does NOT give the MA verdict full force nationally. Here's why:
Article 4 Section 1 requires full faith and credit to be given to the public acts, records and judicial procedings of every other state. Art. 4 Sec. 2 prevents States from proscribing the priveleges and immunities of the citizens of the several States. Note the differing language: the several states, meaning many or a majority of, vs. every other state, meaning, clearly, EVERY other State. Some might contend that this is a drafting error, but I contend that it is a deliberate choice of language, and that the Fouding Fathers were very clear as to the difference between requiring States recognize rights ensured by many of the States (I sense that the slavery issue might have something to do with the choice of language here), vs. requiring States to be compliant with the public acts and judgements of every other state. This choice of language clearly allows Indiana, at this time, to pass laws proscribing gay and lesbian couples from marrying Indiana, while precluding it from passing laws refusing to recognize the validity of marriages held in other States.
So it's good news and bad news. The Constitution DOES seem to prevent states from refusing to recognise the validity of ANY marriage license granted in accordance with the laws of any other State, and DOES prevent states like Oklahoma from refusing to recognise adoptions by gay couples. But none-the-less, the Constitution really doesn't seem to stop States from banning gay marriages within their boundaries.CAFTAI've posted fairly recently on immigration and free trade (the "America First" issues, if you will - q.v. comments, 5/23/2005), but the issue of CAFTA came up recently on Centerfields, and my remarks can be found here. ImmigrationReplying to this comment: explain to me WHY its not illegal to hire foreigners when there are qualified Americans and a riduclous unemployment rate. Actually, it is a legal requirement for companies to ensure that there are no qualified American applicants prior to consideration of overseas applicants. We found that one out when Vik and I toyed with entry on a work-related visa.
As regards free trade and its corrosive effect on domestic employment. You can't expect corporations to behave in any way other than the way in which they are acting - corporations will act in the best interests of making as much money as possible. That's what they do. That's all they do! That's their function - they make money! Their one and only "natural" duty is to make as high a turnover for as little costs as possible, and unlike small business, their success is in many ways divorced from their product. That's why we regulate corporations, and why we must regulate corporations better, while by comparison, America was built on the hard work of small companies. The solution to this problem, as I see it, is to attatch minimum labour standards requirements to trade agreements, and attatch massive tarrifs to trade in goods and services between America and countries which have not signed and adhered to a trade agreement with the United States. Free trade - like many freedoms - is a paradox, an artifical creation that can only be sustained with care and attention, and in my view, it should be sustained only so far as it runs not contrary to America's best interests.
And now, having made some statements that the liberals here will agree with, let's make one that they won't. Immigration. It's really simple. We introduce these labour standards trade agreements, and this will start to stop the migration of jobs from the top end of the economy (that's how you sell it to Republican voters) while improving humanitarian conditions worldwide (that's how you sell it to Democrats). That's the top end sorted out. But what about the bottom end of the market? What about illegal immigrants? Well - I'm not much in favor of illegal immigrants. Kick them out. You go through the legal process, or you stay out.
Before you start flaming me, saying "but they do jobs no-one else wants to do - would YOU want to clean toilets?", ponder on this, my die-hard liberal friends. Why exactly is it that you think the Bush administration is taking steps to encourage illegal immigrants to stay? Here's the thing: if the illegal immigrants weren't there to do those crappy, low-end jobs, then companies might have to start paying Americans to do those jobs. The jobs need doing, whether there's a cheap, cowed, illegal immigrant workforce to do them or not. And, since a company couldn't pay Americans six cents an hour - they'd have to pay them minimum wage. But if toilet cleaners and menial jobs are paying minimum wage, then McDonalds has to pay its staff a little more, because otherwise, they may as well be toilet cleaners. And if McDonalds is paying a little more than minimum wage, semi-skilled labour can't pay peanuts, it has to pay fairly good wages. And if semi-skilled labour pays okay wages, then white-collar jobs have to pay an increased wage. All of which means that more Americans are in work and paying taxes, and thus contributing positively to the economy - and less Americans are out of work taking money out of the economy. More Americans paying taxes and not being on the breadline means more money for the Federal Government to put into programmes like Social Security, development grants to Mexico and the like, # and will make the economy sufficiently secure that we can refuse to trade with China unless and until it signs up to the minimum labour standards clauses and thus becomes eligible for a Trade Agreement with the USA.Kerry returns fire on gay marriage. Sort of.Story.
Kerry, campaigning in Maine in advance of Sunday's Democratic caucuses there, stepped gingerly around the potentially explosive issue of gay marriage. He said he is opposed to the Wednesday ruling of the Massachusetts Supreme Court, which said that nothing short of marriage would guarantee gay couples their full constitutional rights. He did not rule out backing a state constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriages, a step the Massachusetts legislature is considering.
"I personally believe the court is wrong," Kerry told reporters in Portland, adding that he is "opposed to [gay] marriage, period."
Unlike Republicans, the Massachusetts senator does not support an amendment to the U.S. Constitution outlawing gay marriages, such as the measure under consideration in his home state. The Democratic front-runner said he is ready to "fight" the Republicans if they decide to make it a "wedge" issue in the campaign. So...Um, that's clear then. He believes it's wrong, but he also believes that the court is wrong, and while he seems ambivalent to a State constitutional ban on gay marriage, he's also opposing a Federal ban on gay marriage.
And this is the guy who you want to run against George "tell it straight" Bush?Courting troubleToday, the Massachusetts Supreme Court declared civil unions to be insufficient to satisfy constitutional requirements, creating a de facto right to gay marrigage in MA. Are they intending to speed up the progress of a Constitutional amendment defining marriage as being between a man and a woman, or are they just too ignorant to understand how this will play in that half which supports such an amendment? Crying rapeA couple of years back, a foolish young woman named Nadine Millroy Sloane made up - from thin air - a charge of rape against a member of the British Parliament. She was swiftly and robustly repudiated, and sent to jail.
Her conviction was on the same day that TV presenter John Lesley was cleared of any involvement in a series of rapes or sexual assaults, opening the way to a string of lawsuit for slander and libel from Lesley in the direction of Ulrika Johnson and the tabloid media (most particularly, Channel 5) that perpetuated the story. Actor Craig Charles was falsely accused of rape nearly a decade before that, and nearly paid the price with his career. Even though he was cleared, the allegation still hangs over him now.
All of which prompted me to repeat my frequent question: When will the accused be given the same legal right to anomynity as the accuser??
Anyway, The Guardian today carries got a (quite long, so I won't post it) poste facte explanation of what really happened, from beginning to the end. It's both fascinating and quite depressingly predictable: in short, here was a foolish young woman, in dire financial circumstances, and dubious mental health, who had money dangled in front of her by a manipulative press, and who got so tangled up in the web of lies she spun to obtain that money that she started believing her own lies. And, perfectly predictably, the Judge made a complete example of her, as a warning to anyone else who would throw around allegations of rape without foundation.
I don't know if I like this silly woman any more now than I did before I read it, but I have a degree more sympathy for her - a dangerous combination of psychological instability, poverty and duplicity. Third party sillinessAll you folks saying that you're voting for third parties and people other than Bush or the Dem nominee...
You need to get real. Understand this:
If you vote for anyone except the official Dem candidate, you're voting to re-elect Bush
and,
If you don't vote, you're voting to re-elect Bush.
You either are, or you are not, fine with another four years of Bush. If you are not, quite lying to yourselves: you will vote for the Dem candidate - whether the Dem candidate is John Kerry, Howard Dean, or whoever - or not. Anything else is a vote for Bush.
Now, I have no problem with you voting Bush if that's your choice, but you make damned sure you understand what you're doing when you do so.
For the record, I believe that if the Dems fail to nominate Howard Dean, they will lose. I don't believe that John Kerry can win; but I dont believe that any of them can win, except a Dean/Clark ticket, and it'll be close, even with that dream ticket. The New Hampshire primaryThe Washington Post also has some interesting stats: Among the 29 percent of the electorate who said having a candidate who stands up for what he believes was most important to them, Dean defeated Kerry by more than 2 to 1. This is good news for the Dean campaign, and bad news for the Kerry campaign - it implies that voters don't entirely trust Kerry, and are voting principally with a view to the post-Iowa press clamour that Kerry can beat Bush and that Dean is finished. This view is clearly incorrect, given Dean's performance. I won't say resurgency, because the idea that it was over for Dean was wholly invented by a capricious press who complwetely failed to understand that the lesson of Iowa was that they should quit making ludicrously overblown predictions on thin evidence.
Among the one-third of the electorate who said experience or beating Bush was most important to them, Kerry overwhelmed Dean by about 6 to 1. Many voters said health care and the economy were the most important issues, and Kerry demolished Dean easily among those voters. This is terrible news for the Dean campaign. It means that their message about Howard's record isn't getting accross very well, and that he's still being thought of as the radical, angry anti-Bush crusader outsider. There needs to be a real focus now on Howard's experience, his economic stewardship in Vermont, his record on Healthcare, and his policies on these areas. It absolutely astonishes me that voters regard Kerry, who has never served in an executive capacity, as being more experienced than Dean, who has a decade as a highly sucessfull Governor under his belt. The idea that Dean, who balanced his budget and still provided services and tax cuts, could be regarded as being less fiscally responsible than any Senate Democrat is astonishing. Does no-one remember why the Democrats lost Congress in 1994?!
Scott Turrow: "Why I turned against the Death Penalty"Story. No fly list - will it fly?I feel the need to recount a patently absurd online debate with someone who
is opposed to the administration's proposed no-fly lists. In response to something
I wrote:
The no fly list has everything to do with security. As patiently explained
in my previous post, the INS was looking for some of the 9/11 hijackers for
breech of terms of their visas, and the FBI were looking for some of the other
hijackers for other purposes. Both agencies have separate watch lists, and neither
of them forward it to the airlines. If there was a single, co-ordinated "wanted"
list between all the counterterrorism agencies, the INS (or whatever it's called
this week) and the FBI, and the airlines refused to permit people on it to fly,
9/11 would have been prevented. Don't take my word for it - take the word of
the 9/11 Commission.
After a bit of gentle sparring - she fell into the autopilot liberal response
of accusing anyone who doesn't hate President Bush of being brainwashed; I pointed
out that I could explain my position while she couldn't even define hers, so
which of us was brainwashed - she eventually noted: You are supporting something
because you believe that it will protect the US from terrorism, but in reality
what you support will do nothing but further cause terrorism. This struck
me as being a very bizarre thing to say, and thus began a multi-page shooting
war in which I repeatedly asked her to answer what I thought was a really, really
simple question: Please explain how creating a central terrorist watch list,
and preventing people on it from boarding airliners, will "further cause
terrorism"?
Well, you'd think it was a simple question, but after several pages of my asking
and her spouting inchoate, generic and painfully irrelevant bile against the
administration's motives, she still hadn't answered the question and insited
that she had. I returned:
I'm trying to understand why you believe that doing this will further cause
terrorism. Because while you believe I've been brainwashed, I can't help but
think that you've been brainwashed; you cannot make a logical argument
as to why you think such a plan would make terrorism worse, but instead, keep
retreating to making incidental arguments about civil liberties, which fail
to answer the central point. You haven't even yet demonstrated why it would
not help lessen the threat of terrorism, never mind made a credible argument
that it would make the terrorist threat worse.
You stated: "our reasons contradict your reasons. You are supporting
something because you believe that it will protect the US from terrorism,
but in reality what you support will do nothing but further cause terrorism".
Not "this won't work". Not "this won't help us terrorism".
You said, this policy will "further cause terrorism". This statement
makes no sense, so I have repeatedly questioned it, and you have repeatedly
failed to answer the question.
- I asked: how will it increase terrorism to prevent from boarding
aircraft people that the FBI, INS or other government agencies are looking
for?
- Your response: "There is no such thing nor will there ever be
a central terrorist watch list" - doesn't answer the question.
- I asked again: how will it increase terrorism to prevent from boarding
aircraft people that the FBI, INS or other government agencies are looking
for?
- Your response: "it is imperitive [sic.] to understand
that they is no such thing nor will there ever be a terrorist watch list.
It doesn't exist. It is just Orwelian speech for something else. Second, they
have no intention of ending terrorism" - restates your previous response,
and still doesn't answer the question.
- I asked again: how will it increase terrorism to prevent from boarding
aircraft people that the FBI, INS or other government agencies are looking
for?
- Your response: "THEY HAVE NO INTENTION OF STOPPING TERRORISM.
THEREFORE, ANYTHING THAT THEY SUGGEST TO "STOP TERRORISM" IS JUST
A BUZZ TERM" - doesn't answer the question.
- I asked again: how will it increase terrorism to prevent from boarding
aircraft people that the FBI, INS or other government agencies are looking
for?
- Your response: "Without understanding their use of double speak
you won't be able to understand what I'm saying." I understand what you're
saying - you're saying that you think that the government is using this as
a smokescreen to cover up a different agenda. But that's of no relevance,
and that isn't the question I'm asking. So, for the fourth time of asking,
this doesn't answer the question.
You still haven't been able to answer my question, and you keep dancing around
the question to disguise your inability to answer it: how will it increase
terrorism to prevent from boarding aircraft people that the FBI, INS or other
government agencies are looking for?
- Do you dispute the accounts given by the INS, CIA and FBI to the 9/11 Commission
that the CIA, FBI and INS were separately aware of (and looking for) many
of the terrorists responsible for the 9/11 attacks?
- Do you disagree that co-ordinating the efforts of those agencies to find
the hijackers would lead to a more effective use of counterterrorism resources?
- Do you believe that, if the airlines had refused to allow some or more of
the hijackers to board those planes, 9/11 would still have taken place?
- Or, is your contention simply that you don't think that the system would
work, and so you think that we shouldn't even try? What evidence or logical
argument do you offer to back up this conclusion? The central point is this:
you and I disagree about whether this will make us safer. The difference is
that I can explain why I think it will make us safer, and you can't explain
why you think it won't. Which one of us is accepting recieved opinions here,
without applying critical thought?
She never did answer, you know.
Eventually, of course, someone - someone else, I should say - answered the
question.
Okay, so your contention is that terrorists will use aliases.
There are two issues to consider here: the use of a unified watch list in preventing
movement of terrorists and criminals into the United States, and the use of
a unified watch list in reducing the ability of terrorists, criminals and illegal
aliens to travel within the United States by air. I believe that this policy
will help in both areas.
For the purposes of preventing movement of terrorists and criminals into the
United States, a unified watch list would allow persons arriving at a POE under
their own name, who are wanted by any agency of the US Federal Government, to
be placed under arrest before they enter the country. Faking a passport well
- particularly the newer issue passports that will include biometrics - is not
impossible, but presents a logistical challenge which will continue to become
ever more complicated in the future.
For the purposes of reducing the ability of terrorists, criminals and illegal
aliens to travel within the United States by air, we should note that obviously,
people may choose not to travel by air. This is a no-brainer, but the denial
of access to air travel - whether it is being used as a weapon or merely a means
of transportation, places a logistical impediment on the movement of terrorists
and criminals within our borders. True, it remains entirely possible for a person
to buy airline tickets under an alias; it is, however, considerably more difficult
to do so than to simply travel under one's own name, although certainly not
as difficult as faking a passport.
Obviously, there are some major caveats. This policy is not enough to thwart
terrorism, unto and of itself. There remain, as James has previously pointed
out, major concerns about the permeability of our ports and land borders both
to people and materiel, and the Bush administration has chronically failed to
address these concerns. The policy will not outright prevent criminals or terrorists
moving into or within the United States. It will, however, place an impediment
upon their currently unrestricted ability to do so.
As to the feasability of the policy, this is the matter of least concern. The
various agencies already maintain their "wanted" lists, and it is
a simple matter of collating those lists, sharing information, and making sure
that not only are all the agencies singing from the same hymn sheet, but that
the information on who is being looked for by whom is available to the authorities
who control the major "choke points" - i.e. airports. The inability
to achieve this, the failure of various agencies to share information internally
and amongst each other, was identified as the single greatest flaw that led
most directly to the success of the 9/11 attacks by the 9/11 Commission, and
its rectification their most urgent conclusion.
The bottom line is that the worst that this policy would do would be to close
a loophole and make things that little bit harder. Sometimes that's good enough
- the 9/11 hijackers, to a man, bought tickets in their own names (source: the
911 Commission Report). There are major, strategic answers to the terrorist
threat, but on a very practical level, we should not be making it easier for
them.
It's like I said in the threads about the alleged ballot rigging in Ohio. There
are people out there - a lot of people - who hate George Bush, who hate everything
that the current government is doing. They aren't "un-american", they
aren't "stupid", they aren't "brainwashed", and they haven't
"had the wool pulled over their eyes", in spite of the fact that they
accuse anyone who disagrees with them of being so. they simply, and strongly,
reject this government.
And that's fine - I understand that feeling. But I think that the problem is
that they are so blindly opposed to everything that this government does that
they will believe anything bad about it. They will believe any conspiracy theory,
no matter how outlandish, and see ulterior motives in each and every step the
government takes. In this regard, funnily enough, they are doing exactly what
many Republicans did in regard to the Clinton administration. What goes around
comes around. Abortion, reduxIn response to various recent reports about violence against abortion doctors, and criticism of the obvious logical failure here -
I think there's a qualitative difference between those who are "pro life" and those who are just "anti-abortion". Vicki and I - and a few others - fall into the former category. These other people fall into the latter, and I agree that there's something very wrong with the kind of people who physically attack (sometimes even kill) abortionists, and who act as if rights began at conception and ended at birth. I don't recognise those people as being pro-life - they're simply anti-abortion. Heart in gear, brain in neutral is always a dangerous thing.
I wrote last year on some general thoughts about what drives abortion and how to solve the abortion problem in a progressive and bipartisan way; q.v. ante at 12/11/2003.
A handful of additional thoughts:
Point 1: If I go down to an ICU ward today, and strangle a premature baby, I'll be charged with infanticide. Right now, a 16 year old girl can go and get an abortion at the same point in the baby's development, and not only not have to worry about being charged with infanticide, but the clinic doesn't even have to inform her parents. That, in my view, is absurd. Do you believe in the right to choose to take a defenceless life?
Point 2: To me, it's all about the science. It either is taking a life, or it is not. If science ultimately shows that it becomes a living human being at birth, then the abortion argument is moot. If it's not alive, it's not an abortion (which was what was wrong with the recent partial birth abortion bill, BTW - I'm told that it ruled out abortions carried out on foetuses that had already died. That's not an abortion - that's an assisted stillbirth! No life, no abortion!). But science doesn't show that at all. Science shows distinct brain activity early in the second trimester. If it's alive, and you decide to kill it, it's muder. The "can't survive outside the womb" argument cuts no ice with me - if I stick a breadknife in your guts, you won't survive without the help of a nurse. I thought we'd moved past the point where we allowed citizens to die in the name of natural selection.
Point 3: If the life of the mother is endangered, then we reach the point where I have to admit we leave my comfort zone. What I can't understand, however, is why no effort is made to save the baby in such circumstances. Every effort should be made to keep the mother and baby alive, and to get them both out of it. If that involves pulling c-section, go ahead. Even if that gives the baby 1 chance in 100 of survival, that's better odds than sticking a blender in its head and dismembering the remains.
Point 4: It isn't just about choice. The abortion debate is like the MP3 trading debate: the people who support it make long and impassioned arguments that hinge upon them, upon their needs, upon their situations. But they are no longer the whole point! Their thinking is clouded because they're only thinking of how something affects them, about what they want to do. But this is fallacious, because once a child has been conceived, it ceases to be a question of one person's "choice", because now two lives are being affected by the decision.
Point 5: Even if it were primarily about choice, abortion isn't a choice, it's a lack of options, peceived or real. The problem will be dealt with in part by improving education, which will reduce the number of unwanted pregnancies. Abstinence is part of that education. So is birth control. The Bush regime is talking out of its arse on that one, and they're making the abortion problem worse by doing so (yes, you read it hear first: the Bush regime is, and will continue, to increase the abortion rate by blocking proper sex ed classes). And it will be dealt with in part by improving the options available to women - and their awareness of those options - once they have gotten pregnant. Improved support systems for those who choose to and improved adoption support will, in my view, cause demand for abortion to wither and die.
There should be no-one with heart or a brain, whether self-described as pro-choice or pro-life, who does not feel that we should engineer policies to reduce the number of instances in which women feel they have to have an abortion. Not one person in here should feel that abortion is a good option, whether they feel passionately that women should have the choice to get an abortion or not. If you do....Well, that blows my mind. I can't have a rational debate with someone who thinks abortion is a great thing for mother or child.
However, it having been said that we should reduce the number of instances in which abortion "needs" to happen, and while I'm confident that a mix of improved education, better support and reduced poverty will decimate the number of abortions carried out in the United States, there will always be some who still choose to take their child's life. In my opinion, the program that I have been advocating here having been carried out, Congress can go ahead and make it illegal (or else the science will have rendered the issue moot). Other people here will disagree and say that women must retain the choice. And I look forward to having that debate with you at that point. What I'm saying is, let's not have this argument here and now. That's not helping anyone. Let's deal with the main causes of abortion - poverty, be in financial, educational or just a plain lack of other options - and slash the abortion rate to the point where we're dealing with single figures per state per year, in a progressive and intelligent bi-partisan way which we should all be able to agree on. Then - and only then - we can argue about where that policy should run. I look forward to that argument. But there are more pressing things to argue about right now than whether it should be legal or not. Just making it illegal won't stop abortion, in my view. Dealing with the causes of abortion will cut it off at the root, and it will wither and slip into the past - just another barbaric practise we used to do before we figured out a better way.
If any of you think that makes me a misogynist, then I'm sorry you feel that that's the only way to rationalize your opinion against mine. I don't doubt that there are such people in the anti abortion crowd. I don't feel that anyone who can be described as pro life rather than anti abortion fits that label.
The pro-choice movement is determined to paint pro-lifers as being determined to take away the rights of the mother, to create some Handmaiden's Tale-esque future. There may well be a few such people (just as, by the way, there are a few people in the pro-choice movement who are genuinely pro-abortion; I've debated with them, and unlike the bulk of pro-choicers, they're deeply, deeply nuts), but for the most part, the goal is simply to observe that there are two people's rights involved, which must be balanced. Democrats and the SouthStory.
I missed this a couple of months back - an interesting paper urging the democrats not to give up the South as no longer winnable territory. Outsourcing: the tide may be turningStory.
The partial backlash against offshore IT outsourcing has gained another convert: Lehman Brothers has stopped outsourcing its IT helpdesk to Indian services giant Wipro, due to poor quality of service. The trend towards offshore outsourcing is still in full flow, but companies may start to be more skeptical of the assurances made by offshore vendors. Gore endorses DeanI think that a joint Dean/Clark ticket is a winner. It's certainly a runner, although I don't know how likely it is. My problem with Clark is that I'm not convinced that he's an ideas man - certainly, on most issues, his heart is in the right place, but something just hasn't rung true on his ability to come up with solutions. Nor does he have Dean's track record of trying out ideas on a "big" (!) scale. Nor does he have Dean's undoubted rhetorical skills or charisma. What Clark does have, that Dean lacks, is a cast-iron, absolutely unassailable, bullet-proof armour against Karl [Rove]'s "unpatriotic, weak on national security" campaign). And he's at ease with the media. He seems like someone who can play Falstaff to Dean's Prince Hal - and that's the nature of a balanced ticket.
I think the Gore endorsement is great news for Dean. Really, I think that whether the DNC like it or not, this is winning proposition - a Dean/Clark ticket will play well for the dems.
The Bush campaign is going to be ultra-slick. In 1992, the Labour party lost an election because they were a shambles that managed to run a slick advertising campaign, while the Tories were a massively organized bureaucracy that managed to appear shambolic and "grassroots". The Tories won by a huge majority, because - as California has learned - the closer to grassroots a politician looks, the less they look like part of the system, the more people like it. Dean is sucessfully (albeit possibly disingenuously) portraying himself as not being a career politician, but a concerned citizen. He'll do well by that image. A wall of separation?It's sometimes argued that there is a wall of separation betwen church and state - and while that may be so, it's impossible to erect such a barrier between faith and politics. A frequent sparring aprtner of mine noted recently: But you know, in reality, an avowed atheist or agnostic simply could not be elected to public office in the vast majority of the country, whether there were laws against him/her running or not. And that's pretty fucked up, too. I don't think there's anything fucked up about that. People have to make judgements about how candidates will behave in office based on something; if they prefer to vote for candidates who (at least on paper) share their beliefs, it logically (if not always in practice) extends that those candidates will also share their values and thus govern in a way consistant with how they would like to be governed. Isn't that part of how democracy should operate? People voting for the people that they conclude - based on what limited information is available to them - will best represent them?
These people have values and their values are as tied up in their beliefs and preconceptions about the world as yours or mine.
My point is this: say you're a socialist. You might not like some of the things that socialists have done historically, and you might not label yourself that in public, but deep down, let's say you're a socialist. At elections time, I suspect that you will vote for candidates who say that they are socialist as a matter of preference, because the fact that they are a socialist implies things about their belief system - what they believe, and far more importantly, WHY they believe those things, and thus from which perspective they will evaluate new situations - that aren't covered in their manifestos. That's not to say any jerk can call themselves a socialist - deeply unfashionable though that term is - and get the vote of socialists - the substantive always trumps a mere label - but it is without question something I imagine socialists consider.
Likewise, George Bush didn't make any campaign promises about how he would handle a massive terrorist attack on the United States, and no-one thought to ask him at the time; it just didn't seem relevant. But one could make an educated guess about his reactions to various hypotheticals based on the information that was available about the kind of man he is.
I don't see people voting based at least in part on religious labels as being any different to me voting based at least in part on political labels. You don't just vote for a person's manifesto - you vote for that person to be in office for a period of time. That means that it's just as important to know what kind of person they are as what they intend to do. All any of us can do is make educated guesses, but if someone subscribes to the same ideology as us, that's as good a way of making that judgement as any."A Nation divided"Story.
A nation riven between those who adore President Bush and those who abhor him is in no mood for reasoned discussion. Having rallied around the flag after the 9/11 terrorist attacks and then again (though less so) when the troops went to war, people are now retreating to their political affiliations. And all the indications are that they intend to stay there until polling day. The presidential elections of 2004 will be decided not by who can sway the centre but rather who can shore up their base. "The bottom of the barrel"Story.
The world is running out of oil - so why do politicians of all stripes refuse to talk about it? State constitutions and the PledgeThe Constitution of California: We, the People of the State of California, grateful to Almighty God for our freedom, in order to secure and perpetuate its blessings, do establish this Constitution. The Constitution of Massachusetts:
We, therefore, the people of Massachusetts, acknowledging, with grateful hearts, the goodness of the great Legislator of the universe, in affording us, in the course of His providence, an opportunity, deliberately and peaceably, without fraud, violence or surprise, of entering into an original, explicit, and solemn compact with each other; and of forming a new constitution of civil government, for ourselves and posterity; and devoutly imploring His direction in so interesting a design, do agree upon, ordain and establish the following Declaration of Rights, and Frame of Government, as the Constitution of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. The Constitution of Alabama:
We, the people of the State of Alabama, in order to establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, invoking the favor and guidance of Almighty God, do ordain and establish the following Constitution and form of government for the State of Alabama The Constitution of New York:We The People of the State of New York, grateful to Almighty God for our Freedom, in order to secure its blessings, DO ESTABLISH THIS CONSTITUTION. The Constitution of Indiana:
TO THE END, that justice be established, public order maintained, and liberty perpetuated; WE, the People of the State of Indiana, grateful to ALMIGHTY GOD for the free exercise of the right to choose our own form of government, do ordain this Constitution. The Constitution of Connecticut:The People of Connecticut acknowledging with gratitude, the good providence of God, in having permitted them to enjoy a free government; do, in order more effectually to define, secure, and perpetuate the liberties, rights and privileges which they have derived from their ancestors; hereby, after a careful consideration and revision, ordain and establish the following constitution and form of civil government. If the Pledge of Allegiance can be challenged in court because the US Constitutional allegedly precludes the use of religious terminology, and the US Constitution overrides any State constitution, why has virtually every State included specific reference to God in their Constitution (I've tried to choose a wide variety of States to avoid the accusation that I'm choosing the Bible Belt states as examples) and not been taken down by the Supreme Court?"While America slept…"Story.
There are some major flaws in this, but it's worth a read.
What I actually wanted to say about this, is as follows. There are two underlying problems that have lead to this situation: firstly, the failure to manage the transition from Empire to nation in Africa (Britain, France), India (Britain), South and Central America (Spain, Portugal); and secondly, the failure to move to establish international agreements enforcing common labour conditions.
While it is the United States that must take a lot of the blame for the latter, the latter is and would have been impossible had it not been for the former. The responsibility sits on the collective madness that overtook Europe in the aftermath of WW2 to divest themsevles of their colonial posessions. In the scramble to allow self-determination, we neglected to udnerstand that these countries were not READY for independence. Of those former posessions, how many have developed into mature, stable democracies without immense division between rich and poor? Only two, South Africa and Brazil, even come close to that measure, and only those in certain measure. It was our failure to understand that having taken these countries as colonial posessions, it was our resonsibility to oversee their political and economic development until such time as they were ready to be made independent. We failed, on a collosal scale, and the result has been death and suffering on a scale unimaginable. India and Pakistan should be seen as a salutory lesson for any who now foolishly advocate an early withdrawal from Iraq. One doesn't just go into a country and uproot its long-established order, arrange for some elections and then leave, which is almost exactly what Britain, France, Spain and Portugal did, in criminal negligence.
The result, fifty years later, is the current mess that is the Third World. The lack of political and economic maturity when left to stand on their own has led to a quagmire which allowed for the outsourcing of jobs to labour environments where working conditions standards are lower and thus pay can be lower. It is unfair to place all the blame onto US corporations for seeking to cut costs while raising profits: that's precisely what a corporation is there to do. That's its function. You and I will criticize them for it, and question their right to exist in that framework, but for as long as they do, you might as well chastize a dog for barking. Dogs bark, and corporations seek to increase profits while driving down costs.
In order to understand what must be done to correct the problem, first the environment in which the situation arose must be understood, the blame correctly apportioned, and the scale of the problem revealed. It was clear in, for example, Wilson's survey results that she does not understand the nature of the problem: yes, she supports higher taxation on the rich, yet remains ambivalent on public money for overseas aid development. This is not about America; it is not an American problem (although America - with its high salary high living standards culture - will suffer the most as a result). The root cause is not America. The root cause is Europe. We can't change the pass, but we can learn its lessons, and in understanding the history, more accurately devise results to the problem. The essential middle-eastern stateI wrote a short essay about Iran, dissenting to the Bush administration's handling of the nation I argue that we should be cultivating, not waylaying. Shareholder power works - GlaxoSmithKline board defeated at AGM over payStory. Glaxo board defeated by shareholders Pharmaceutical giant GlaxoSmithKline (GSK) has suffered an unprecedented defeat at its annual general meeting when shareholders voted against million pound pay deals for executives. The group said 50.72% of votes were cast against approving the group's remuneration report.
This goes to something I've been saying for some time now: all these people who spend huge amounts of money protesting and organizing protests against corporate power and globalization have completely the wrong idea. what they should be doing is founding share-buying cartels, to develop substantial interests in companies and effect policy changes from the inside.
On the other hand, I suspect that most people of the pursuasion to march in opposition to globalization - Helen Salmon, this means you - are more interested in having a good shout than in actually achieving something.Perle, Kristol, laud Blair as "one of their own"Story. Tony Blair is "a neo-conservative", according to some of the most hawkish thinkers in the US. The startling claim from some of the key players in the neo-conservative movement was made on BBC One's Panorama programme to be broadcast on Sunday. I'll say this: I have a lot more time for Bill and Richard than I do for Blair.Will China back a nuclear-armed North Korea?Story.
It seems highly unlikely that China would continue to side with North Korea - a regime whose days are so clearly numbered. Numbered as much by their own policy and crippling military budget, as much as by current United States foreign policy.
Beijing, in my view, is well aware that its future is as a major economic power. By supporting North Korea, it is setting itself at odds with Washington - neither a wise move strategically nor economically. Further, China gains nothing by supporting North Korea, excepting the deferrence of a potential presence of US troops on its border after any Korean unification.
It's my view that the North Korean state is on the verge - maybe five more years - of buckling, and I further consider that China not just recognises which side its bread is buttered, but now regards its bastard lovechild increasingly as its very own Glenn Close. Not for nothing did China recently briefly suspend oil exports to Pyonang (AP) following their decision to irritate the United States by restarting the YongByon ractor: it was calculated to send the not-very-coded message: don't get too big for your boots, and don't pick a fight with the school bully".
See also, post, at 3/19/2003 and 2/6/2003. "No, I will not fix your website"Am I being a technology snob about this?
Firstly, let me make it clear that I am not referring to personal pages, and people learning web design. Everyone who knows web design has learnt somehow, and usually it's by building personal sites.
What I'm talking about is companies expecting everything for nothing. If something is important to your business, it has an asset value! You can't call us - the hosting company - and say "our website isn't working", when the problem is clearly and demonstrably code- not server-related. People keep getting this problem, and either they've hired a company on a one-off to design the site and the company's gone off somewhere, or else the managing director's "just had a go" in Microsoft Frontpage.
My view: If you don't know anything about HTML, or the web, or the internet, or computers; if you have absolutely no knowledge of technology, that doens't make you a bad person, and it doesn't make you a bad businessman. It means that you need to pay someone who does know about these things, just the same as if you have a fleet of vehicles, you either retain a mechanic or have a contract with a supplier - you don't just remember that one of your staff knows something about motorbikes, and that's kind of like being a car engine repairman.
The bottom line: websites are financial assets to a company, and if you want a website, you need to spend to the money that it costs to have people who know what they're doing designing, writing and maintaining your website. You get what you pay for: if you won't reach in your pocket, you can't expect miracles. Celebrities and politicsDo I think that some of the Hollywood set expressing pro-Saddam sentiments is outrageous? Yes. Are they foolish, craven and utterly, utterly wrong? Yes. But for those who do not believe that celebrities should express political views, I have two words and a number for you. Live Aid.
$100mIn a culture where celebrities are lionized above all else, where young people take so much of their cues from their idols, it is extraordinarily important that those people in positions of influence use that influence to further civic participation, particularly in these days where descent into apathy and ignorance seems so prevalent. I would rather have a politicised nation that fundamentally disagreed with me on every point than a nation of people who couldn't care less.Things to keep in mindVicki found this, this is awesome, although I dissent on point 9:
Here are 10 things to consider when voicing an opinion on this important issue:
1) President Bush and Saddam Hussein.....Hussein is the bad guy.
2) If you have faith in the United Nations to do the right thing, keep this in mind. They have Libya heading the Committee on Human Rights and Iraq heading the Global Disarmament Committee. Do your own math here.
3) If you use Google Search and type in "French Military Victories," your reply will be "Did you mean French Military Defeats?"
4) If your only anti-war slogan is "No war for oil," sue your school district for allowing you to slip through the cracks and robbing you of the education you deserve.
5) Saddam and Bin Laden will not seek United Nations approval before they try to kill us.
6) Despite what some seem to believe, Martin Sheen is NOT the President. He just plays one on TV.
7) Even if you are anti-war, you are still an "Infidel" and Bin Laden wants you dead, too.
8) If you believe in a "vast right-wing conspiracy," but not in the danger that Hussein poses, quit hanging out with the Dell computer dude.
9) We are not trying to liberate them.
10) Whether you are for military action, or against it, our young men and women overseas are fighting for us to defend our right to speak out. We all need to support them without reservation.
I hope this helps. -Dennis Miller Comparing Iraq to the other Axis statesI've constantly tried to avoid rebuffing arguments about whether Saddam is dangerous to us, because my argument from the beginning is that it doesn't matter whether or not he is dangerous to us, but that the primary reason for removing him is the clear and present danger he poses to his own people and to regional stablility. But in my view, this notwithstanding, of the three Axis states, Iraq is by far the most dangerous to both us and its own people, and that perhaps deserves a few lines of prose.
North Korea is a diplomatically isolated regime that is dying by degrees. It poses no direct threat to us, and precious little direct threat to South Korea (it's leaders aren't madmen - they know that they could never win a war with South Korea, provided China refuses to give them military support, and there is even tacit US involvement (by tacit, I imply air superiority support). Its nuclear program is geared towards the tactical, not the strategic. It is less of an indirect threat as well; it is unlikely to give weapons of mass destruction away, and its central control is highly organised, so there is little chance of those weapons just "going missing". It may well choose to sell what it can sell, but North Korea's focus is on defending itself against attack (something that it could do very effectively - we will lose a few good men invading Iraq, but we would lose thousands in a ground assault of North Korea. Q.v., post, at 2/6/2003.
Iran is more-and-more integrating with the world. Unlike Iraq or North Korea, Iran has the instruments of a democratic state. That is by no means to say that it is a democratically-controlled state, because it most certainly isn't. But Iran is one of the most progressive Islamic states in the world, and I would have placed Saudi Arabia far more on the axis of evil than Iran. Iran is a state that has seen rewards of trying to integrate with the world, and I believe it will continue on its journey to an interesting synthesis between a democratic process and the Islamic state it once was. Iran's sponsorship of terrorism in the 80s will die out, ironically enough, because of Sept. 11 and Bush's actions since. Iran has a clear choice: to support terrorism, or to progressively deal with the west through diplomacy. I think it will choose the latter.
Lastly, there is Iraq. Iraq, unlike Korea or Iran, is not a stable state. Unlike those states, there is neither the means to control whatever weapons of mass destruction possess or may gain (indeed, part of Tariq Aziz's argument has always been that they just "don't know" what happened to many of their weapons), nor the will. Alone in the world, alone on the axis of evil, Iraq celebrated September 11th, and has clear will to give weapons to whatever terrorists will be able to further its cause. Unlike Iran, Iraq has consistantly attacked its neighbours when given the choice, and unlike North Korea, Saddam has been offered the ability to feed his people - and rejected it. North Korea is certainly politically repressive, and Iran is certainly religiously repressive, and all three states no doubt practise unlawful detention and torture, but only Saddam Hussein has resorted to the mass slaughter of his own people.
Iraq is uniquely dangerous to us - and to the people of the middle east - because it has an unstable, shambolic and chimera-like regime, led by a madman who instead of leaving Iraq and saving hundreds of people from US bombs (or thousands from his own regime) will instead stay in his bunker until killed or until he commits suicide. The die is castLooks as if the shooting's about to begin.
Of course, it's a shame that we'll be lacking UN backing, but if the determination of the French government to break the international community (not to mention their complete failure to understand the situation - Paris was evidently under the impression, somehow, that when all this started rattling around the Security Council, that they were being asked to vote whether or not war would happen. In reality, they were just asked if they wanted in or not) made it inevitable. We should not be surprised with this. Name a single conflict in which the UN has intervened when clearly necessary in the last fifty years. Name a conflict that the UN didn't either misjudge (Rwanda), wade into five years late (Bosnia), or just foul up from the get-go (Palestine).
Don't get me wrong. I'm not crowing. I will be living the next week in a state of some agitation; far more than on any of the anti-war camp, it falls incumbent upon those of us who have been so much in favour of the military removal of Saddam Hussein, to feel responsible for every death caused in its name.
But this is right, this is necessary, and let's all just wish the best to our military. A conversation with the other sideI've tried at every opportunity to engage a few people on the anti-war side, with perhaps the goal of at least better unhderstanding their position, and maybe even convincing a few onlookers. One of them in particular has reliably useful points of view, so here's the colloquy:
Mrs. Simon: Some people want to continue w/sanctions, yet these same people say they dont' want war because it will kill civilians. Sanctions have been killing thousands of civilians every year since they began. (Who do you think Saddam is going to let starve? Civilians or his military?)
Steve: This is true. Which is why many of us who oppose this war have also always opposed the sanctions.
Simon:Am I misinterpreting you here, in thinking that you are stating your opposition to sanctions; or am I correct in saying that you are opposed to both war AND sanctions?
If this interpretation is correct, and I don't mean this as a generic insult, I mean it as a very specific question: you've stated many times that you agree with those of us who are for the war, on the substantive points, viz., that Saddam Hussein is an appalling dictator who poses a clear and present danger to his own population, and who should not be in power. If you are opposed to sanctions (the diplomatic route), and you are also opposed to invasion (the military route), how DO you propose to realise our mutually preferred situation of an Iraq with no Saddam Hussein?
You keep skirting around answering this question, and I keep skirting around asking it directly, but I really want to know what your opinion is on it, definitively.
Steve: Innocent civilians. Who are killed by both war AND sanctions, at least as they've been done so far and will be done when the war starts. As for what to do, I dunno. I think the inspections are a good idea, and we should keep those going and perhaps step them up. And we should keep him contained, while finding a way to get food and medicine directly to civilians.
So in short, I don't have absolute, specific answers about what should be done about Saddam. Beyond that, I'm not really sure of the specifics of what needs to be done, and I don't feel that I need to be to oppose a war that I think is gonna be a disaster, and sanctions that already have been a disaster.
Simon: So you don't have an answer? To address the issue of weapons inspections. You must, surely, be aware that "weapons of mass destruction" is only a facade for the wider picture, which is Saddam Hussein's removal. The policy of containment has only "succeeded", if one's definition of "success" is that Saddam is still in power, but has yet to invade any other countries. He has only not done so because of the threat of American retaliation. If we're going to talk about inspections...Iraq is facing imminent invasion from the United States; the only reason he is playing along with weapons inspections is because our governments have (foolishly, in my opinion) tried to make this about weapons of mass destruction. Saddam knows that if they can play that game, he can play too: if he complies with the United Nations on the point which Bush/Blair are pushing, America cannot build a world consensus against his regime so easily. And yet, despite all of this pressure, from all sides, he continues to fail to disarm; he is making only marginal progress - something the UN itself conceeds.
But this is to be distracted from the substantive point:
This is not far removed from Winterspark's recent misadventure, where s/he attempted to belittle Vik, by implying a lack of historical understanding on Vik's part of the events of September 10th in Chile, and attempting to draw a misguided comparison to Iraq. In point of fact, when called, on it, Winterspark tried to bluster that it didn't matter that s/he didn't know much about history, even whilst trying to use history to underline her political viewpoint. To suggest, as you do here, that one doesn't need to know what should be done in order to oppose what is clearly the only other thing that can be done is as absurd as Winterspark trying to declare that one doesn't need to know something about history in order to cite it as precedent. If you want something achieved, if you are agreed that its execution is impreative, and if there is a solution on the table that is better than the existing situation, then surely it is incumbent upon you to propose an alternative, or else accept the existing proposal, in order to remove someone we are - supposedly - all agreed needs removing.
I think more questions need to be asked, requiring specific answers:
- Do you want Saddam Hussein in power?
- Do you recognise that sanctions have failed to remove him for a decade?
- Do you believe, sincerely, that diplomacy will be any more sucessful in removing him now than it has been in the previous decade?
- Do you believe that if a bad man does a good thing for the wrong reason, this in any way devalues the action?
- Do you recognise that the choice is between military action to remove Saddam Hussein, or Saddam Hussein remaining in power; and further, when faced with that choice, is Saddam Hussein remaining in power a price you are willing to pay for peace??
Grain: Iraq is a tricky subject because it has constantly been re-defined by the Bush family. First it was to liberate Kuwait and return them to the monarchy that has controlled the country since 1979 and allows only 10% of the population (Men) to participate in any election.Then it was to remove weapons of mass destruction; primarily the nuclear and biological weapons (non of which he used during the entire gulf war), then it was to liberate the Iraqi people from such a brutal regime.
So I'll bite on these questions.
1) Do you want Saddam Hussein in power?
This isn't about allowing Saddam in power, there are countless dictators who abuse power, are we to remove them all?
If I don't like how my neighbor treats their home, am I allowed to go in and take it over? You allow this to happen, you are writing a blank check for any nation to preemptively attack any other nation who might even be a remote threat.
2) Do you recognize that sanctions have failed to remove him for a decade?
To go back to my first point, was the sanctions in place to remove Saddam, or stop weapon proliferation?
3) Do you believe, sincerely, that diplomacy will be any more successful in removing him now than it has been in the previous decade?
Holding a gun to a persons head and saying "do this or else" is not diplomacy. Again are we removing Saddam or stopping weapon proliferation?
4) Do you believe that if a bad man does a good thing for the wrong reason, this in any way devalues the action?
I don't understand the context of this question.
5) Do you recognize that the choice is between military action to remove Saddam Hussein, or Saddam Hussein remaining in power; and further, when faced with that choice, is Saddam Hussein remaining in power a price you are willing to pay for peace??
When you set a question like that any answer that doesn't fall in line with your ideology looks foolish. There are plenty of other choices, as many nations around the globe are willing to commit too. Why is it that most nations in close proximity of Iraq are not nearly as threatened as a nation over 8000 miles away? The US could do more by reducing their own stockpile of the 20,000 or so Nuclear weopons, allow countries the sovereignty to decide their own fate and stop giving multinationals free reign on the planet. We do some of these things, and it will offer far more security to the world, then the invasion of a small country.
Simon: Grain:
1. I disagree. We are deciding that regimes that consustantly abuse human rights and ignore the will of the international community will be removed. This obviously applies to regimes as far-flung as Zimbabwe, North Korea, China and Israel. However, each of these regimes are of differing characters, and there are unique situations surrounding each, and thus the methods we use to approach each one will differ. Thus it is that we economically engage with China, yet use force against Mugabe and Hussein.
2 & 3. I, as I suspect most Iraqi citizens, and most Iraqi exiles would agree, am concerned with removing Saddam. I'm not concerned how the Bush admininstration justify it to themselves and the Congress. If WMD are really such an issue, then by removing Saddam Hussein from power, we negate the WMD issue in either case.
4. I believe we should remove Saddam Hussein. To me, it makes no odds why George Bush wants to remove him. I honestly don't care if it's about oil, or settling a family score. I only care that he actually does it. I have a lot of issues with George Bush; and, truth be told, I tend to agree with Zodiak on far more points than I disagree with him on. George Bush would not be my first choice as American President. He is, though, the American President, and will be for the next six years or so, whetehr or not I like that reality. And whether or not I like George Bush, I do like that he will do the necessary in Iraq, even for the wrong reasons. My point here is that it doesn't matter.
5. There are no other choices, if the aim is to remove Saddam Hussein, and no other nation has proposed one.
Steve: I like Grain's answers, but I'm sorry - I won't be answering the specific questions. To me, dialogue and debate are not about giving people questionnaires that they are then "required" to fill out.
And besides, I already told you that I'm not exactly sure about what to do about Saddam. You find that unacceptable. That's fine, because I don't base my perspective on what you or anyone else find acceptable. But I'm being honest about how I feel here. I'm not sure what to do about Saddam, but I AM sure (at least as sure as I can be) that a war that by all indications is going to lead to a humanitarian disaster is NOT the answer. (Just as the sanctions that have already lead to a humanitarian disaster are not the answer.) As for what SHOULD be done, well, I'll lead that to greater minds than my own - minds that, I would hope, are more creative than to settle for another fucking war that kills a whole bunch of innocent people. (As the saying goes, war is a failure of the imagination.)
Simon: I'm not outraged that you have your own point of view, I just fail to understand how you can say that you're against Saddam, but that you're not willing to accept any solution, other than clicking our heels together three times and suddenly Iraq is a democratic state with Saddam as a faded memory. Not being willing to do what's necessary to achieve something is indistinguishable, in my view, from not wishing to achieve it. This is not an abstract political argument, it is a situation where inaction has cost lives, and will cost lives. Action will also cost lives, but in my view, not as many as failing to take action. If we remove Saddam Hussein, although innocents almost inevitably will get caught in the crossfire, those people stand good chance of dying anyway if we do nothing, and I would rather a few Iraqis died in the process of ensuring that many more are spared. It is the burden of command to weigh one life against many, and essentiual to do so less all lives be lost.
Steve: This is where we differ, for I see a very real potential for the cure being worse than the disease, and for ramifications spreading far beyond the borders of Iraq. I don't think we can afford to do things the old-fashioned way (where innocents are "inevitably" killed) anymore; it's a new world. A world that at this point is a very shaky house of cards, and I think the old-fashioned way of dealing with this kind of situation could start a chain of events that will bring that house down.
And of course, you realize that there are more choices besides "inaction" and Shock and Awe. Again, I'm sorry I can't be more specific about what those choices should be, but there are people out there who are supposed to be coming up with stuff like that, and they need to do their damned jobs. Again, war is a failure of the imagination.
Simon: As to other alternatives, there are none; Kamil Mahdi, who is probably the most eloquent voice in proposing alternatives that I have read thusfar, makes excellent, albeit simplistic, arguments. I say simplistic, because he seems to have overlooked the reality that Saddam's (extremely limited) co-operation on so peripheral an issue as inspecting his weapons programme has only come because suddenly at least two countries in the UN are - for the first time in a decade - presenting him an ultimatum: comply, or we WILL invade. I find the idea that he would accede to human rights monitors or UN-supervised elections highly dubious. Furthermore, even if Saddam were to grudingly consider that he can hang on for power for that litle bit longer, it is my opinion that continuing to let him do so is unacceptable. I do not believe Mahdi's optimism that Iraq could be transformed into a democracy under the UN's watchfull eye is at all justified; the UN has completely failed to be an effective force in world affairs for two decades; I see no reason to believe it will now change.
Mahdi does, however, make points that I wholly agree with. We should immediately end the failed and unjustifiable experiment of sanctions. I am in favour of war, but my principal concern at this time - and this may or may not be justified - is that while we hear much about the logistical preparations being made to put the materiel of war in place in Turkey and Kuwait, I have heard very little of the assets we should already be moving into the region (say, into regimes that might not allow troops, but might allow engineers and aid workers) to aid in the humanitarian efforts that I think we'll need to put into place almst immediately. Nor have I heard much about assets being put into place to start rebuilding Iraq's infrastructure. If these key factors have simply been overlooked by the press, then that is fine; if they have been overlooked by Whitehall, I would be concerned in the extreme at our inability to multitask. Our purpose here is not just the removal of Saddam Hussein; once that is done, we must rehabilitate Iraq's people and rebuild its infrastructure.
I further agree with him that the situation in Palestine MUST be addressed as part of the same process, and I was pleased to see Bush talking about precisely that in his recent speech, albeit only in the most belated terms. While the UN has failed in Iraq, it has been stymied over Israel by the United States' intransigence; it's preposterous "blank cheque" support for the Israeli government over the years, in face of enourmous suffering and injustice wrought on the Palestinian people. This is an environment in which extremists flourished, and if we are serious about countering terror, it is Palestine where the war will be won or lost. If the United States is party to the just resolution of the Palestine issue, anti-American feeling in the region will retreat measurably. Legitimacy and the United NationsWritten in response to a chap on a message board I frequent, who urged UN sanctions against the United States:
Do you believe that it is still materially relevant to current world events which powers were on the winning side after the Second World War?
If the majority of the security council, elected by the General Assembly, back a further UN resolution authorising the use of force, but that resolution is then vetoed by a permanent member (and the point regarding the last world war is that the permanent members owe their status wholly to the fact that they were the victors of world war 2, and for no other merit), are the clearly expressed desires of the UN to fail? Do you recognise a difference between a second resolution being rejected by the Security Council, and a second resolution being rejected by one member of the security council, that member happening to have a veto over all other votes due to to a historical event that happened before many of the countries in the UN existed and before many of their leaders were even born?
To address the point that you have made, though, I find it highly spurious that you suggest that a paralel can be drawn between Nazi Germany and George Bush, yet not between Nazi Germany and Saddam Hussein. You are correct, of course, in saying that Bush and Hitler were both elected according to the constitutions of their respective countries, albeit in circumstances that might be considered rather dubious, while Saddam Hussein was of course never elected and has never faced any kind of electoral test. On the other hand, George Bush has gone on to win a second popular mandate last December, something that neither Hitler nor Saddam did. It's true that Bush and Saddam both have their family in powerful positions, but then, are you comparing Saddam to the Kennedy clan, who at one time held the Presidency, an Attorney General and a Senator? It's certainly also true to say that Bush has appointed his cronies, people who've never been elected, but that's been the US Constitution since day one: one can't be in the Legislature and the Executive.
Perhaps you're implying that like Hitler and Saddam, Bush has reduced the freedoms available to his people. But unlike citizens living under Saddam or Hitler, you will go to bed tonight safe in the knowledge that though you may criticise your leader - nay, bitterly detest him and all he stands for - you wil wake up tommorow. And you are very unlikely to be arrested or killed just because someone reported that you aren't 100% behind the great leader.
Of course, it's true that Bush attacked Afghanistan, but he did so in reaction to a percieved threat against the United States from forces headquartered in that country, while Hitler and Saddam invaded or attacked Czechoslovakia, Kuwait, Poland, Iran, France, Israel, the Low Countries, the Soviet Union....I could go on, but I think you get the idea. Furthermore, while Hitler gassed 8 million Jews, and Saddam has used Chemical and Biological weapons against both the Iranians and the Kurds, I'm not convinced that Bush has used weapons of mass destruction against his own population, unless one counts the paralysing nerve agent "television".
I really do wish that you'd refrain from making these spurious connections based on nothing other than your distaste for the Bush admininstration. There are so many more valid things to take the President to task on, and so many more intelligent ways of doing so than this sort of meaningless abuse. Paging Michael MooreAs Michael Moore's film Bowling for Columbine points out:
- "1982: U.S. provides billions in aid to Saddam Hussein for weapons to kill Iranians"
- "1991 to present: U.S. planes bomb Iraq on a weekly basis"
"U.N. estimates 500,000 Iraqi children die from bombing and sanctions."
To this list, one could add the fact that we perfidiously abandoned the southern Shi'ites, whom we had promised to aid should they rebel against Saddam, and then promptly and studiously failed to aid when they rebelled against Saddam; given this green light, Saddam, naturally, slaughtered. See also our failure to adequately project northern Kurds after the first Gulf War.
None of these points are in dispute; it is history, they happened. Yet many who oppose to the war sieze on these points precisely to argue that we should NOT liberate Iraq. This is bemusing to me.
During the 1970s, the 1980s, the United States installed several ruthless dictators and trained some very unpleasent men. And they say that's bad.
Following a shift in priorities by the United States which curtailed US support, and after a decade of events, those men are still ruthless and unpleasent. They don't dispute that.
So now, the United States is saying "we're going to get rid of these people". And somehow, they also contend that THAT's bad.
What is it, precisely, that they want - an apology and an admission of remorse for putting Saddam there in the first place? Don't you think that's rather petty? Isn't the material point here that, whatever their motivations for doing do, the Bush administration is now going to correct an injustice wrought by a previous US administration? Far from disqualifying US action in Iraq, don't these past mistakes make it our DUTY to the region to attone?
It DOES make a difference that the US put those people there in the first place - just not in the way Michael Moore et al would have us believe. It gives us a moral DUTY to rectify that mistake. I don't necessarily like the way the government is selling the war to the electorate, and I don't entirely agree with the reasons for which it's going to war. But hell, as long as they actually do the job, it is only of secondary importance why.Change is inevitable; progress is optionalThis is just a thought I'm batting around, rather than some kind of essay.
In Britain, it seems to me that the class divide is still as pronounced as it has ever been; what has changed in the last seventy years is that class has changed from an impenetrable caste system into a state of mind. I would posit the following:
For the working class, work is no more than a means to obtain money, no more or less valid a means of getting money than any other (crime, gambling, random fortune). Life for the working class is nothing more than an endless merry-go-round of unfulfilling work, lounging in front of the television, getting drunk in the pub, and monotonous unloving sex with anyone drunk enough to consent. Gossip and tabloid tittle-tattle of vacuous celebrities and reality TV attempt to fill the gaping void at the heart of such a lifestyle; music is nothing more than transient entertainment, political debate to be avoided, and the arts are a lost cause. Sport is no more than an excuse for tribalism and violence, while latent racism, conservatism and sexism underscore reality.
The criterion for the middle class, I would offer, is that it is characterized by a desire to learn, to grow and to find work that is fulfilling and productive, rather than merely paying wages.
What separated the working class from the middle class seventy years ago was one's means; today, it is one's aspirations. In other words, class has ceased to be economic and become cultural. Midterms solidify GOP majorities; where now for the anti-war crowd?To the delight of those, like myself, who wish to see Saddam Hussein's rule in Iraq put to an end, those who will lead us to war now control both Houses of Congress and the White House. They have just won a victory where the number one campaign issue has been, over and over again, that they will remove Saddam Hussein. The American people have in every way handed this administration not simply an endorsement, but a blank cheque to militarily intervene in Iraq. President Bush has made it clear repeatedly that if the UN doesn't act, the US military WILL.
Given that war on Iraq is now beyond all sensible question a case of WHEN and not IF, where do those who oppose this war go from here?
True, as one person I spoke to mentioned, they can take "to the streets, to our computers, to our fax machines, to our post offices, to our friends" to continue the fight - for what, though? They can no longer frighten Congressmen with the bogeyman of being voted out of office by the anti-war crowd, because the elections have proved that either the anti-war lobby is insignificantly small, or that if it IS popular, it cannot mobilize is supporters in any numbers. In either eventuality, by the time we next go to the ballot box, we will know which of us was right.
All the tools that those opposed to removing Saddam could have used to hold back war are now controlled by those dragging us forward. The public have signalled that, at best, they want Saddam removed, or that at worst, that they don't care either way.
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